Dans sa substance, cette thèse se situe au point de rencontre de deux disciplines proches mais distinctes : l'économie et la gestion. Plus précisément, en nous appuyant sur les acquis de notre formation académique et sur ceux de notre parcours professionnel, nous avons concentré notre effort de recherche sur une approche qui consiste à mobiliser les concepts de la gestion stratégique au profit d'une réflexion économique traitant de la problématique du développement territorial durable dans une région montagneuse du Liban, en l'occurrence Kfardebian-Faraya. Compte tenu de la montée des préoccupations environnementales et du souci écologique croissant, une grande importance est accordée un peu partout, aujourd'hui, au mode de valorisation des ressources naturelles, notamment celles qui ne sont pas renouvelables ou, en tout cas, qui sont considérées comme telles. Le tourisme, on le sait, occupe désormais une place centrale dans l'économie de plusieurs pays en développement, parmi lesquels le Liban (où il représente, certaines années, plus de 30% du PIB). Toutefois, au-delà de ses apports indéniables en termes de production, d'emplois, de revenus, etc., la dynamique touristique au Liban rencontre des limites situées autant aux niveaux économique et social qu'au niveau environnemental. Ces limites sont dues principalement, selon nous, à un mode de gestion des ressources locales irrationnel (pour ne pas dire irresponsable), ainsi qu'à une absence ou une quasi-absence de règles pour encadrer l'action des professionnels du tourisme et des autres acteurs qui interviennent, d'une façon ou d'une autre, dans le fonctionnement de cette activité. A travers les analyses exposées dans cette thèse, notre effort a consisté à défendre le bien-fondé du principe de la gestion stratégique comme mode de valorisation des ressources, l'objectif étant, dans notre cas d'étude comme dans d'autres, un développement territorial durable, intégrant les dimensions économique, sociale et environnementale, et reposant sur l'action collective de tous les acteurs locaux. Dans cette optique, le terrain d'analyse empirique que nous avons retenu, celui de Kfardebian-Faraya, nous a semblé particulièrement intéressant : non seulement ce territoire situé au Mont-Liban peut, à juste titre, être caractérisé comme zone touristique spécialisée, mais en outre, certains professionnels du tourisme qui exercent dans cette zone (la société Mzaar qui gère la station de ski de Mzaar, l'hôtel Intercontinental Mzaar, le village de Faqra Club…) se sont engagés dans une démarche de gestion stratégique (autrement dit, durable) des ressources qu'ils exploitent. Les résultats obtenus au terme de notre recherche montrent que l'extension du niveau de l'entreprise (niveau microéconomique) à celui du territoire (niveau mésoéconomique) de la notion de gestion stratégique des ressources est d'une réelle pertinence. Dans le cadre d'un projet de territoire intégrant les dimensions économique, sociale et environnementale, et mobilisant les différents acteurs locaux jouant pleinement le jeu de l'action collective, cette approche est de nature à favoriser une dynamique de développement territorial durable. Dans le cas précis de Kfardebian-Faraya, cette dynamique ne peut avoir lieu qu'avec le pilotage des deux municipalités qui, en tant qu'acteur pivot, sont à même de promouvoir une gouvernance participative à l'échelle du territoire. / In its essence, it is situated at the point of encounter between two close but distinct disciplines; economics and management. More specifically, based on our academic background, and career, we focused our research efforts on mobilizing the concepts of strategic management for the benefit of an economic reflection dealing with the issue of sustainable territorial development in a mountainous region of Lebanon, namely the case of Kfardebian-Faraya. Taking into consideration the growth of environmental concerns and ecological anxiety, great importance is given ubiquitously, today, to the mode of utilization of natural resources, particularly those exhaustive or, in any case, considered as such. As generally known, tourism occupies a central position in the economy of many developing countries; Lebanon is not an exception, where it represents, in some years, more than 30% of the GDP. However, beyond its undeniable contributions in terms of production, employment, income, etc., the tourism dynamics in Lebanon revealed some drawbacks at economic, social and environmental levels. These limits are due mainly, in our opinion, to an irrational (not to say irresponsible) approach of managing local resources, as well as to a relative absence of rules that govern the performance of tourism professionals and the other players involved, in a way or another, in this activity. Through the analysis presented in this thesis, our effort has been to defend the principle of strategic management as a relevant mode of exploitation of local available resources, the aim being, in our case study as in others, a sustainable territorial development, integrating the economic, social and environmental dimensions, and based on the joint efforts of all local players. In this context, the field of empirical analysis that we have chosen, Kfardebian-Faraya, seemed to be particularly interesting; not only that this territory is located in Mount-Lebanon and characterized as a specialized touristic zone, but also, some tourism professionals present on this territory (Mzaar company that manages the ski station Mzaar, the Hotel Intercontinental Mzaar, the Village of Faqra Club...) are engaged in a process of strategic management (considered sustainable) of local resources. The results reached at the end of our research show that extending the concept of strategic management of resources from the enterprise level (micro-level) to the territory level (meso level) is of real relevance. As part of a territory project, integrating the economic, social and environmental dimensions, and integrating the different local players in a collective process of management, is a conductive approach to dynamism and sustainable territorial development. In the specific case of Kfardebian- Faraya, this dynamism may take place only under the guidance of the two municipalities which, as a fundamental actor, are able to promote participatory governance across the territory.

La littérature moderne ne cesse de puiser dans l’Histoire, notamment du XXe siècle, avec toutes les mutations qui l’ont traversée. Certes, le retour du récit après la rupture causée par le Nouveau Roman, s’impose avec la publication de la somme philosophique de Ricoeur, Temps et récit (1983-1984), « qui montre les limites d’une analyse structurale et rappelle la fonction anthropologique majeure de l’activité narrative ». En effet, les écrivains contemporains en quête d’identité, reconnaissent la nécessité de revoir le contexte historique de chaque période de leur vie ou de la vie des autres. Il est intéressant, dans cette perspective, de remarquer les récits retraçant l’Histoire du Liban, à partir du début de la Première Guerre Mondiale, date où des voix libanaises s’élèvent pour demander que le Liban soit éventuellement placé sous la protection française. Le cas de la chronique libanaise est un cas particulier parce qu’on attend depuis 2001 la mise en œuvre d’un livre d’Histoire agréé au Liban. Cette étude insiste avant tout sur la convivialité, l’unité du pays, et la meilleure compréhension de l’autre et cherche à travers la littérature, à trouver un terrain d’entente. Les textes d’écrivains libanais, de Salah Stétié, d’Amin Maalouf, d’Alexandre Najjar, de Jacqueline Massabki, et d’écrivains français comme Sorj Chalandon et Richard Millet, permettent de cerner l’Histoire libanaise de différents angles de vue. Loin de prétendre redresser tel quel le passé du Liban, ces écrivains en font la base de leur narration. / Modern literature continues to get inspiration from History, especially from the history of the twentieth century, with all the changes that marked it. Certainly, the return of the narrative after the rupture caused by the New Roman (Nouveau Roman), is highlighted with the publication of the philosophical sum of Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative (1983-1984), "which draws the limits of a structural analysis and recalls the major anthropological function of narrative activity ". Indeed, contemporary writers in search of identity recognize the need to review the historical context of each period of their lives or the lives of others. Thus, autobiography, as well as biography of others, is inseparable from history. The case of the Lebanese chronicle is exceptional, especially in the shadow of the controversy over the implementation of a unified book of History in Lebanon. This has been the case since 2001 and each party privileges his own version of history. This study emphasizes first of all the value of conviviality, the unity of the country, and the better understanding of the other and seeks, through literature, to find common ground. And to understand and live lucidly, one must face, according to Nietzsche, the tragic, even fate, this "dose of coldness, lucidity, hardness". Lebanese French-speaking writers and readers share the will to understand the past that haunts their destiny and to grasp the evolution of time. It is therefore remarkable to see the Lebanese history rising through a bouquet of observations, testimonies, comments and questions.The texts of Lebanese writers Salah Stétié, Amin Maalouf, Alexandre Najjar, Jacqueline Massabki, and French writers like Sorj Chalandon and Richard Millet, help to identify the Lebanese history of different angles of view. Far from pretending to correct Lebanon's past as such, these writers make it the platform of their narrative.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo caracterizar as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) como resultantes do processo de desintegração do Império Otomano no quadro definido pela aceleração histórica de acordo com Yves Lacoste. Ela evidencia o processo/projeto balcanizador, ou seja, de divisão territorial em base étnica, do Líbano e do Oriente Médio iniciado com o expansionismo europeu a partir do séc. XIX e a continuidade dada a tal processo pelas modernas geoestratégias israelenses, as quais, com suas rupturas, logram imprimir moto próprio à sua operação na Região. Desta forma, traçamos um painel histórico da evolução do Líbano dentro do quadro de tensões geopolíticas regionais e internacionais, como a queda do Império Otomano, a fundação de Israel e os movimentos nacionalistas árabe e judeu, os refugiados palestinos e as crises no Golfo Árabe-Pérsico (as Guerras do Iraque de 1980 e 1991), que se constituíram em fatores de instabilidade para o território libanês. Assim, as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) permitiram que o território libanês passasse a servir como campo de batalha para as guerras do Oriente Médio, nas quais se insere as invasões israelenses do Líbano, em 1978 e em 1982, com seus intentos balcanizadores. / This study aims to characterize the Lebanon War (1975-90) as a result of the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in the framework defined by historical acceleration according to Yves Lacoste. It shows the process / project balkanizing, i.e., territorial division based on ethnic, Lebanon and the Middle East started with the European expansion from the Nineteenth century and continuity to this process given by modern geo-strategic Israelis, which, with its ruptures, manage to print their own motto accord to its operation in the region. Thus, we draw a historical overview of developments in Lebanon within the framework of regional and international geopolitical tensions, as the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the founding of Israel and the Arab and Jewish nationalist movements, Palestinian refugees and the crisis in the Gulf Arab Persian (Iraq wars of 1980 and 1991) that formed factors of instability for the Lebanese territory. Thus, the Lebanon War (1975-90) allowed the Lebanese territory passed serve as the battleground for wars in the Middle East, which falls in the Israeli invasions of Lebanon in 1978 and 1982, with its attempts balkanizing.

Este estudo busca fornecer subsídios para uma interpretação científica inovadora acerca de um fenômeno político e social pouco estudado na academia brasileira e, portanto, praticamente desconhecido do público nacional: a ascensão de um tipo especial de Islã político e militante representando no partido xiita libanês Hizballah durante a chamada guerra civil libanesa, cujo armistício coincidiu com o fim da Guerra Fria em 1989-91. Os grupos políticos e milicianos conservadores, progressistas e reformistas do conflito libanês, bem como a ingerência externa regional e internacional em favor de uns ou de outros e nos assuntos internos libaneses representaram o impulso que faltava para a culminação de um processo político e social que, desde os anos 1960, encontrava-se em gestação na comunidade xiita, historicamente à margem das instituições estatais e do controle das relações sociais de produção libanesas. Após o fim do conflito, o Hizballah adaptou e aprofundou um protagonismo político, econômico e social nunca antes observado entre os xiitas libaneses ao decidir participar das primeiras eleições parlamentares e municipais do pós-guerra. A partir do ano 2000, o partido adotou a defesa de uma espécie de nacionalismo concorrente de outras comunidades e grupos libaneses, e contrário a determinados agentes e interesses externos no Líbano. Ademais, o Hizballah assumiu a projeção e a execução de programas econômicos e sociais de assistência a parcelas da sociedade libanesa, sobretudo xiitas, destroçadas pelo conflito que recém findara e desamparadas por um Estado frágil e quase inexistente em diversas esferas. / This study intends to come up with an innovative scientific approach on a social and political phenomenon which is not a common subject or case study amongst Brazilian academics and, therefore, is deeply unknown to its national audience, i.e.: the rise of a special category of political and militant Islamist movement which is represented in the Lebanese Shiite party known as Hizballah during the Lebanese Civil War, whose armistice has coincided with the ending of the Cold War between 1989 and 1991. The conservative, progressive and reformist political groups and militias which have taken part in the Lebanese conflict, as well as foreign intervention be it regional or international in support of one or another of those parties at war and on Lebanese internal affairs have represented the impetus that lacked for the culmination of a social and political process which, since the 1960s, had been maturing among the Shiite community, historically marginalized and at bay respect to the states structure and services and to the control of Lebanese social relations of production. After the ending of the war, Hizballah has adapted and deepened its political, economic and social activism in a way that has never been observed before amongst Lebanese Shiites, especially when, back in the 1990s, the party decided to participate in the first parliamentary and municipal elections held in Lebanon after the war was over. In the 2000s, Hizballah has adopted the defense of a specific type of nationalism which competes with other Lebanese groups and sects and which is contrary to several foreign interests and agencies on Lebanon. Besides, Hizballah has taken on elaborating and performing social and economic welfare programs aimed at the Lebanese society, especially the Shiites, who have been devastated by the turmoil that not long ago had come to an end and hence felt helpless and abandoned by a fragile and absent state in many different ways and stances.

The refugee crisis has been one of the main foci in western media the last years. Many European countries are raising their concerns on the refugees and how they are not able to help them. This thesis is a desk study which seeks to examine the Syrian refugee influx upon Lebanon.  Michael Brown’s book about reasons about internal conflicts have been the guideline to mark out any eventual internal conflicts a big refugee influx can eventually stir upon a country. The thesis will try to analyse and figure out if the refugee crisis will fuel the already existing sectarian tensions in the country. The do not clearly establish whether the refugee influx in Lebanon will potentially produce a new civil war or not. The refugee crisis has proven itself to be a burden for Lebanon within many of its internal sectors and the political tensions run higher now than earlier. The possibility for a renewed civil war is therefore not impossible but at the same time it might as well be avoided completely.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à la danse dabka, l’expression musico-chorégraphique la plus importante du paysage musical au Liban. Il s’agit d’analyser la dabka dans l’unité de son aspect musico-chorégraphique ; la danse étant analysée dans son lien avec la musique. Une autre dimension s’ajoute à cet aspect, il s’agit de l’aspect anthropologique de la dabka, la dabka en tant que manifestation sociale au Liban.Un choix méthodologique des enregistrements du terrain qui a duré pendant plus qu’une année au Liban, a permis de confronter les confirmations à priori de ce même terrain avec les résultats des analyses faites au cours de cette thèse pour les composantes ethnomusicologique et ethnochoréologique. / This thesis focuses on the dance dabka, the most important musico-choreographic expression of the musical landscape in Lebanon. The dabka is analyzed from a unified musico-choreographic standpoint where the dance is investigated in connection with music. The anthropological aspect is also considered, where the dabka is viewed as a social manifestation in Lebanon. A methodical selection of recordings, collected over a period of time of more than one year in Lebanon, allowed subjecting common beliefs to scientific scrutiny focusing on ethnomusicological and ethnochoreological aspects.

Les localités de la moyenne montagne du Mont-Liban sont souvent présentées comme des bastions des communautés religieuses et des chefs politiques. Cet espace subit, cependant, depuis plus de quatre décennies, de profondes transformations suite à différents processus comme la villégiature, les déplacements de populations durant la guerre, ainsi que la périurbanisation et les investissements des ressortissants du Golfe et des émigrés. Au-delà du mythe de la montagne, refuge des minorités persécutées en Orient, cette thèse vise à interroger ce terrain sur l’évolution des territoires hérités, construits par des générations précédentes d’acteurs, dans un processus de mondialisation et de métropolisation. La place des communautés religieuses et des zaïm-s libanais dans l’échiquier politique national ou régional reste prédominante dans les logiques d’urbanisation des différentes régions libanaises. Cependant, l’évolution des différentes parties de la moyenne montagne autour de Beyrouth reste liée aux contraintes physiques et économiques (altitude, accessibilité, ressources…) plutôt qu’aux spécificités « héritées ». Les autorités qui s’imposent dans les localités de la moyenne montagne, en revendiquant un pouvoir basé sur le passé, sont elles-mêmes obligées de renouveler leurs stratégies et alliances pour relever les défis de la mondialisation et des logiques de compétitivité économique. / Moderate altitude localities of Mount Lebanon are often presented as bastions of religious communities and political leaders. During the last four decades, this space however witnessed profound changes due to various processes such as tourism, population movements during the war, suburbanization and investments of nationals from the Gulf and emigrants. Beyond the myth of the Lebanese mountain, a shelter of persecuted minorities in the Middle East, this thesis aims to examine the evolution of inherited territories built by previous generations of actors in a process of globalization and metropolization.The logics underlying the urbanization of different Lebanese regions remain strongly influenced by religious communities and zaim-s (political leaders). However, the evolution of the localities surrounding Beirut remains related to physical and economic constraints (altitude, accessibility, resources ...) rather than "inherited" specificities. Authorities claiming power based on the past are themselves forced to renew their strategies and alliances to meet the challenges of globalization and economic competitiveness.

En 1920, au sortir de la Grande Guerre qui sonna le glas de quatre siècles de domination ottomane, le Grand Liban fut proclamé, d’abord mandaté par la France, avant que le pays n’obtienne l’indépendance politique, en 1943. La politique économique libérale propre au Mandat français s’imposa alors, préfigurant le style gouvernemental qui s’instituera durant les trente glorieuses de la République. Cette période s’achèvera avec la guerre du Liban en 1975, faisant émerger des forces miliciennes avec leur corrélat de découpage géographique et social. Ainsi, en guise de réponse au délabrement des institutions symboliques régissant le lien social, l’on assista au surgissement d’une langue provocatrice, dont on trouve une anticipation dans les inventions littéraires de grands auteurs (Ionesco, Céline). Nous allons ici soutenir que ce qui a permis au vivre-ensemble libanais de résister à toutes les colonisations, à la domination du discours capitaliste, puis au désastre de la guerre, procède d’une tournure de l’esprit relevant du registre de la farce. Conçue dans cette recherche comme une modalité contemporaine du rire, elle semble être une réponse à la faillite des ontologies au temps de la postmodernité. Or ce style subjectif, tel que nous le débusquerons dans le parler des sujets libanais, loin d’être une idiosyncrasie libanaise, une sorte de « folie » isolée, pourrait être annonciateur d’un mode d’être au monde voué à se généraliser bien au-delà des frontières du Liban. / Greater Lebanon was founded in 1920, at the end of the Great War, which sounded the death knell for four centuries of Ottoman rule; the country did not gain independence until 1943. The French Mandate of the intervening period included free-market economic policies that foreshadowed the governing style of the trente glorieuses of the Lebanese Republic. That era drew to a close with the Lebanese Civil War, which began in 1975 and led to the emergence of militia forces and a corresponding geographical and social division. At this time, and in response to the deterioration of the symbolic institutions responsible for the social bond, a provocative language began to be heard, one that had been anticipated in the literary work of authors such as Ionesco and Céline. This thesis will show that what has allowed the Lebanese way of coexistence and togetherness to resist these colonial occupations, as well as the domination of the capitalist discourse and then the disaster of war, proceeds from a specific mindset that has its source in farce. Conceived here as a contemporary mode of laughter, farce seems to be a response to the bankruptcy of ontologies in the post-modern epoch. This subjective style, which will be explored on the basis of the spoken words of Lebanese people, is in no sense an idiosyncrasy found only in that part of the world as a sort of isolated “madness,” but could instead be a precursor of a mode of being in the world destined to become widespread and to be transmitted beyond the borders of the country of Lebanon.

This thesis explores the relationship between citizenship and human rights by focusing on refugee’s rights. The study is based on Hannah Arendt’s theories that when someone loses state-protection human rights appear weak, and one finds oneself in a state of rightlessness (1976). She developed her thoughts during the refugee crisis after the Second World War, and by discussing her theories in relationship to a field study performed in Lebanon this thesis applies her theories on the current refugee crisis, investigating how applicable her theories are on refugees today. This opens up a discussion on if and how the modern human right framework has managed to solve some of the issues that were present for refugees more than 50 years ago.   The empirical study is based on a minor field study in Lebanon concerning refugee children’s right to education. By performing interviews and observations, the obstacles that these children face are presented and analysed according to a framework on vulnerabilities that migrant’s face developed by Sabates-Wheeler and Feldman (2011). The result of this study is a discussion that connects the theoretical framework with the empirical findings by discussing traits in the relevant theories in connection to the case study. The thesis finally concludes that many vulnerabilities that Arendt discussed still affects refugee’s lives today, despite the development of human rights.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished