O objetivo deste estudo é realizar uma análise em torno do processo de abertura comercial brasileira, transcorrido no início dos anos 1990 e inserido no contexto da crise política vivida com a conclusão da transição para a democracia e a crise econômica advinda dos anos 1980. Dessa forma, buscou-se examinar, de uma perspectiva sociológica, este processo que é comumente analisado apenas a partir do campo econômico. O intuito, então, é compreender o arranjo sociopolítico engendrado pela abertura comercial e que, de acordo com a hipótese aqui defendida, será fundamental para a articulação de um novo arranjo hegemônico no Brasil. Nosso enfoque estará, portanto, na correlação de forças sociais presentes naquele momento, tanto em termos materiais quanto ideológicos, procurando compreender o sentido empreendido pelos atores envolvidos neste processo. / The aim of this study is to provide an analysis about the process of trade liberalization in Brazil. This process, ocurred in early 1990, took placed in the context of the political crisis with the the transition to democracy and economic crisis arising from the 1980s. Thus, we attempted to examine, from a sociological perspective, this process that is commonly analyzed only from an economic approach. The goal, then, is to understand the socio-political arrangement engendered by trade liberalization that, according to the hypothesis advocated here, is fundamental to build an articulation of a new hegemonic arrangement in Brazil. Our focus is, therefore, on the correlation of social forces at that period, both material and ideological terms, seeking to understand the meaning undertaken by actors involved in this process.

Le mardi 17 juin 2014, le Secrétaire d’État chargé des transports, de la mer et de la pêche Fréderic Cuvillier déclarait en ouverture des débats devant entériner une grande réforme du secteur ferroviaire français : « Alors que la SNCF célébrait ses 75 ans d’existence [en octobre 2012], le constat que nous faisions était celui d’un système ferroviaire en crise, tant dans le fonctionnement entre SNCF et RFF qu’en termes financiers, constat aussi fait par nos concitoyens. J’annonçais alors la nécessité d’une vaste réforme du système ferroviaire lui redonnant du souffle, de la clarté et de l’efficacité. (…) Aujourd’hui, la représentation nationale est saisie de ce projet. Je souhaite que ce débat (….) nous permette de dessiner un projet ambitieux pour notre pays et ses territoires. Ambitieux, parce qu’il exige de la nation qu’elle s’empare de l’enjeu ferroviaire, qu’elle se réapproprie les enjeux d’aménagement du territoire, de cohésion sociale et de développement économique et industriel. C’est aussi cela notre patrimoine ferroviaire national. ». Nous pouvons tirer deux enseignements de cette déclaration. Premièrement, le Secrétaire des transports fait le constat de dysfonctionnements graves, de « crise » du secteur ferroviaire. Deuxièmement, il considère légitime que l’État intervienne de manière forte dans ce secteur afin d’en améliorer le fonctionnement. Cette double constatation conduit naturellement à s’interroger sur la nature et les causes des dysfonctionnements du secteur, qui comme nous le verrons, sont de nature économique et technique. D’où viennent ces dysfonctionnements ? Pourquoi les diverses interventions de l’État et des collectivités, très fortes dans ce secteur, n’ont­-elles pas réussi jusqu’à aujourd’hui à en rétablir le bon fonctionnement ? Le présent travail de thèse n’a pas l’ambition de répondre de manière exhaustive à ces interrogations. Il cherche néanmoins à donner quelques éléments de réponse à celles­-ci en se concentrant sur une problématique plus restreinte ; il s’interroge sur le lien entre le fonctionnement technique d’un secteur et la nature des réformes qu’il est nécessaire de mettre en place pour ledit secteur. Pour reformuler cette problématique dans notre contexte (c’est­-à-­dire le secteur ferroviaire français, en particulier pour le transport de passagers) : le secteur ferroviaire présente­-t'­il des particularités techniques qui doivent conduire à adapter le schéma de réforme mis en place pour celui­-ci ? Une fois notre problématique posée, il nous faut à présent introduire notre cadre conceptuel. / No English summary available.

O objetivo deste estudo é realizar uma análise em torno do processo de abertura comercial brasileira, transcorrido no início dos anos 1990 e inserido no contexto da crise política vivida com a conclusão da transição para a democracia e a crise econômica advinda dos anos 1980. Dessa forma, buscou-se examinar, de uma perspectiva sociológica, este processo que é comumente analisado apenas a partir do campo econômico. O intuito, então, é compreender o arranjo sociopolítico engendrado pela abertura comercial e que, de acordo com a hipótese aqui defendida, será fundamental para a articulação de um novo arranjo hegemônico no Brasil. Nosso enfoque estará, portanto, na correlação de forças sociais presentes naquele momento, tanto em termos materiais quanto ideológicos, procurando compreender o sentido empreendido pelos atores envolvidos neste processo. / The aim of this study is to provide an analysis about the process of trade liberalization in Brazil. This process, ocurred in early 1990, took placed in the context of the political crisis with the the transition to democracy and economic crisis arising from the 1980s. Thus, we attempted to examine, from a sociological perspective, this process that is commonly analyzed only from an economic approach. The goal, then, is to understand the socio-political arrangement engendered by trade liberalization that, according to the hypothesis advocated here, is fundamental to build an articulation of a new hegemonic arrangement in Brazil. Our focus is, therefore, on the correlation of social forces at that period, both material and ideological terms, seeking to understand the meaning undertaken by actors involved in this process.

This paper analyzes the performance of Indian banks over the period of the last ten years. It uses the CAMEL Framework to determine the performance of public and private banks in India. The paper also conducts an empirical analysis to determine the share price performance of Indian banks relative to the share price performance of banks in Hong Kong, Europe and the US. This paper finds that private banks perform better than public banks overall based on the CAMEL Framework. In addition it also finds that the Indian banks share price performance is dependent on the share price performance of Hong Kong and European banks, and it has a significant positive relationship with the overall Hong Kong stock market, and this relationship strengthens after 2007. On the whole, this paper seeks to offer as comprehensive a perspective as possible upon the conduct, structure and performance of the banking industry of India.

In Taiwan, prior to the petroleum industry liberalization starting from 1990, the whole petroleum market was highly regulated and monopoly. Since 90s, the first private owned gas station was built in 1997; the Formosa Petrochemical Corporation went public in September, 2000; the Petroleum Administration Law was implemented on October 13th, 2001; and almost all famous international petroleum businesses had plans to establish branches in Taiwan. As the result, the monopoly market gradually became more and more competitive during that period. The China Petroleum Corporation, one of the state-owned enterprises, was the only price leader in the market, and currently still has absolute influence. This research, therefore, is focus on how CPC adjusting its business strategies and marketing management while facing the intensive competition in this liberalizing market. The main findings are as follows: 1. Since the Formosa Petrochemical Corporation and other international petroleum companies joined into this competitive market, CPC has actively adopted much adjustment. However, the company and all staffs must try harder if they plan to keep 70% market share. 2. For future competition, CPC has adopted not only some defensive tactics to keep the current market shares, but also many aggressive strategies so that the company can continuously penetrate, expand, and diversify the new market . Moreover, CPC has asked its staffs to provide their best service in order to secure the client base and to improve the competence. In fact, those good business strategies really helped CPC increase its total sales and profits; or keep its current market shares at least. However, CPC still need to deploy some other marketing approaches such as to keep its cost down, to better off its service, and to train qualified staffs, so that the company can advance its competitive preference and diversify its marketing strategies as well. Keywords: petroleum industry liberalization, the Petroleum Administration Law, business strategies, and market share

Abstract In the past, the state-owned enterprises had played important roles of economic development. Since 19th century, the defects emerged gradually after twice oil crisis in the world. States have struggled to find the solution to these problems. To lower the rate of the state-owned ente- rprises in economic system is the best way. In Taiwan, privatization and liberalization have become the policy trend. Taiwan Power Company has monopolized the power market more than 50 years. According to the international trend and government policy to deregulate the electricity market competition will be unavoidable. At the same time, the TPC should afford the reasonable compensation to their employee for their loss. The purpose of this thesis is to figure out the effect on working rights of TPC's employee by modifying electricity acts and opening the power market. The result of this research will provide a reference for relative person and government agencies.

<p> </p><p>This bachelor thesis examines the credit market behaviour in the Scandinavian countries (Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway), post financial liberalization, during the late 1980´s and early 1990´s. The explanatory variables used to determine bank lending are the time lags of bank lending, property prices, GDP and interest rates.</p><p>The variables’ impact on bank lending is tested and displayed by using an OLS model,presented by Goodhart and Hofmann (2007), and descriptive statistics.</p><p>The rolling OLS regressions show that during times of financial liberalization, property prices had an increased effect on real bank lending in Sweden and Finland. The same investigation method supports that although positive, property prices’ effect on lending did not increase in Norway and Denmark. Even so, investigations suggest that one should be careful to assume too many similarities between the countries in the causing factors of the crises. The crises occurred roughly during the same time, and the geographical connection is obvious, however each country’s individual factors differed from each other.</p><p> </p>

A competitive gas-to-gas trading market has yet to emerge in Asia. Yet in spite of the various barriers and restrictions, the trend of liberalization seems to inevitable. How a natural gas trading market just might develop in East Asia is what this thesis explains and predicts. Moreover, it lays out what the preconditions for the changes are, and what the costs and benefits from such changes may be. Considering Asia’s current market situation, the wholesale competition model could be a practical option for Asia’s gas markets. A critical role in building up the gas-to-gas trading market will be played by China. In the first stage of market liberalization, China alone can be expected to form its own trading hub on its east coast, say in Shanghai. If the transactions of the trading hub work smoothly and the set prices lower than oil-linked gas prices, then other gas-importing countries would likely join the trading hub by interconnecting with a physical pipeline. / text

After 1989, the elimination of the Brazilian Coffee Institute coincided with a global movement of coffee market deregulation, resulting in a long ‘coffee crisis’ that harmed the livelihoods of thousands of small-scale coffee producers in Brazil. In response, the Brazilian coffee landscape was restructured and large private cooperatives emerged as the primary institutions in the Sul de Minas region. However, after the initial retraction of state intervention, extremely low coffee prices contributed to the reestablishment of the Brazilian government in the coffee sector, but in a different fashion, as state institutions were redesigned to support actors and private institutions, not recreate the state as an intermediary in the market. Despite further commitment to coffee production, producers experienced greater economic vulnerability and suffered the brunt of the low coffee prices, but a strong culture of coffee production played an important role in shaping the choices of producers.

This research analyzes Guatemala’s 1996 telecommunications reform, with an emphasis on how the introduction of private property rights in the electromagnetic spectrum has affected provision of, and access to, non-profit community radio, a critical media for the country’s indigenous Maya. The Guatemalan ‘experiment’ is the first applied test of Ronald Coase’s 1959 call for property rights in radio spectrum. To date, spectrum liberalization in most countries, including Canada, has upheld a model of resource stewardship in which the state retains ownership of the spectrum and a measure of control over frequency allocations. In Guatemala, by contrast, the state has ceded spectrum control to the private sector by auctioning off legal title to electromagnetic frequencies and allowing secondary markets in spectrum trading to develop. Formerly free under license to Guatemalan nationals only, FM frequencies sold with title under Guatemala’s revamped telecommunications law fetch as much as US$750,000 at auction. Broadcasting rights have disproportionately accrued to foreign nationals and commercial operators, while community broadcasters operating without title are accused of ‘stealing’ spectrum resources (causing interference on titled bandwidth), for which they face fines of between US$10,001 and $100,000 and up to six years in prison. Scholar-advocates and industry lobbyists credit Guatemala’s propertization regime with maximizing resource efficiency, institutionalizing justice, and offering rich and poor countries alike a practical model for spectrum reform. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and other critics, however, argue that the regime discriminates against those who lack the financial resources to purchase spectrum title and effectively bars non-profit community radio stations from legal access to the airwaves. This study traces the intellectual roots of (neo)liberal reform and examines parallels between geographies of inequality in Guatemala’s landscape and soundscape in order to demonstrate that the costs of enclosing and commodifying resources once held in common has consistently and disproportionately fallen on Guatemala’s indigenous population. / Thesis (Master, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2008-09-26 09:24:05.497