No description available.

Esta pesquisa analisa a atuação dos grupos de interesses do setor privado na política de internet no Brasil, concentrando-se na definição do princípio da neutralidade de rede no âmbito do Marco Civil da Internet. A influência dos grupos de interesses e o seu papel como fornecedores de informação aos tomadores de decisão foi constatada a partir do levantamento de documentos oficiais, contribuições a consultas e audiências públicas e artigos jornalísticos. Em seguida, os dados levantados foram analisados sob três abordagens teóricas: os tipos de políticas públicas de Lowi, a ciência política com foco na política (policy-focused) de Hacker e Pierson, e o equilíbrio interrompido de True e Baumgatner. A pesquisa identificou que os grupos de interesses traçaram as suas estratégias em função das características da política, formaram coalizões baseadas em interesses compartilhados e construíram três imagens principais para o assunto da neutralidade de rede a fim de destacar o seu posicionamento e captar a atenção de formuladores de política, tomadores de decisão e da opinião pública, são elas: a liberdade de expressão, competição e a legalidade. Os três principais grupos de interesses do setor privado que disputaram a definição do Marco Civil da Internet foram o setor de conteúdo, o setor de internet e o setor de telecomunicações. Em conclusão, a pesquisa identificou a redução gradativa do escopo da política para acomodar interesses conflitantes em um mínimo final. / This research aims to analyze private sector interest groups influence on internet policy in Brazil, particularly on the definition of network neutrality in the Internet Framework Law (Marco Civil da Internet). Interest groups influence and their role as information subsidizers was examined through the study of official documents, contributions to public consultations and public hearings and media articles. Following data collection, a descriptive analysis of the results was undertaken based on three main theoretical approaches: Theodore Lowi\'s public policy typology, Hacker and Pierson\'s policy-focused social science and True and Baumgartner\'s punctuated equilibrium. The research identified that interests groups traced their strategies according to the policy in dispute, built coalitions based on shared (but mutable) interests, and developed three main images to emphasize their position and engage policymakers, decisionmakers and public opinion: network neutrality as freedom of speech, as competition and as legality. Three main private sector interest groups were identified during the dispute: the content industry, the internet industry and the telecommunications industry. In conclusion, this research observed that group dispute gradually reduced policy scope to accommodate conflicting interests in one final policy.

Máfia será uma expressão abordada neste trabalho como uma concepção verbo-substantivo, tendo em vista o funcionamento do sistema capitalista, na lógica de possibilidades de investimento, envolvendo personagens mafiosos e práticas mafiosas, por isso a intenção de selar o verbo ao substantivo, visando estabelecer a imanência entre os indivíduos e suas ações, a fim de evitar análises baseadas em estereotipias de certos grupos, enquanto outros permanecem incólumes diante aos olhos da sociedade e inatingíveis diante da justiça, em razão da posição que ocupam. Assim, a dimensão será a de considerar a pessoa que mafia como mafioso, independentemente de seu status social, envolto no poder de influência, dimensão esta capaz de distingui-lo do mafioso clássico (o bandido oficial). Contudo, essa alteridade não o diferencia, apesar de não dominar os códigos, de não participar dos rituais e nem compactuar do estilo de vida produzido pelos criminosos latu sensu. As práticas esboçadas pelos arautos da economia e da política formal serão decodificadas como mafiosas ao longo dos seis capítulos que compõem esta tese. Geograficamente, a intenção desta pesquisa visa examinar a territorialidade dos lugares mafiosos do mundo contemporâneo, suas redes, seu entrelaçamento e suas implicações na economia dita formal, trabalho realizado a partir da aplicação clássica de conceitos já construídos sobre o tema e ensaiando a elaboração de outros. Pela raiz do trabalho se fará necessário um diálogo com outros campos do conhecimento, a fim de melhor visualizar a leitura geopolítica do mundo mafio-contemporâneo em sua complexa socioespacialidade. / The term Balkanization as proposed by Norberto Bobbio. Corresponds to the idea to characterize a division of continental, subcontinental or regional units politically separated or hostile towards one another. Such concept is associated to the balkanic region during the Balkan Wars, between 1912 and 1913 which fragmented nations into distinct political units and the prevailing process of relationship among new State-institutions. Nevertheless, the title of this research as the result of the project, grants to the concept double connotation. Hence, Balkanization in itself means the fragmentation within nations per se. However, it prioritizes former segretating process, chiefly those occurred post- Balkan Wars, identifying characters and movements of extensive dismantling power, and tries to disprove some truths long regarded as absolute ones, such as the one concerning the Muslim Turkish people seen as blood-thirsty and the Roman Catholic Church as libertarian. The second term \"Balcanization\" intends to focus on the world wide understanding of the Balkans, a spetacular image, revealing the generally accepted analysis of the region. The work by Maria Todorova - Imagining the Balkans - was an essencial reference towards the demystification of the expression, whose connotation has always carried a great deal of prejudice and derrogattory perspective, particularly as long as the territory once named Yugoslavia, which is the object of this research, is concerned. By limitating the studied perspective above to the Yugoslavia case and covering such fields as the local, the regional and global spheres, the title of this research intends to enlighten and define both senses, the object and its image, apprehending as accurately as possible its diversity of meanings, thus: From Balkanization to \"Balkanization\".

Univ., Diss.--Konstanz, 2007. / Literaturverz. S. [375] - 419.

Máfia será uma expressão abordada neste trabalho como uma concepção verbo-substantivo, tendo em vista o funcionamento do sistema capitalista, na lógica de possibilidades de investimento, envolvendo personagens mafiosos e práticas mafiosas, por isso a intenção de selar o verbo ao substantivo, visando estabelecer a imanência entre os indivíduos e suas ações, a fim de evitar análises baseadas em estereotipias de certos grupos, enquanto outros permanecem incólumes diante aos olhos da sociedade e inatingíveis diante da justiça, em razão da posição que ocupam. Assim, a dimensão será a de considerar a pessoa que mafia como mafioso, independentemente de seu status social, envolto no poder de influência, dimensão esta capaz de distingui-lo do mafioso clássico (o bandido oficial). Contudo, essa alteridade não o diferencia, apesar de não dominar os códigos, de não participar dos rituais e nem compactuar do estilo de vida produzido pelos criminosos latu sensu. As práticas esboçadas pelos arautos da economia e da política formal serão decodificadas como mafiosas ao longo dos seis capítulos que compõem esta tese. Geograficamente, a intenção desta pesquisa visa examinar a territorialidade dos lugares mafiosos do mundo contemporâneo, suas redes, seu entrelaçamento e suas implicações na economia dita formal, trabalho realizado a partir da aplicação clássica de conceitos já construídos sobre o tema e ensaiando a elaboração de outros. Pela raiz do trabalho se fará necessário um diálogo com outros campos do conhecimento, a fim de melhor visualizar a leitura geopolítica do mundo mafio-contemporâneo em sua complexa socioespacialidade. / The term Balkanization as proposed by Norberto Bobbio. Corresponds to the idea to characterize a division of continental, subcontinental or regional units politically separated or hostile towards one another. Such concept is associated to the balkanic region during the Balkan Wars, between 1912 and 1913 which fragmented nations into distinct political units and the prevailing process of relationship among new State-institutions. Nevertheless, the title of this research as the result of the project, grants to the concept double connotation. Hence, Balkanization in itself means the fragmentation within nations per se. However, it prioritizes former segretating process, chiefly those occurred post- Balkan Wars, identifying characters and movements of extensive dismantling power, and tries to disprove some truths long regarded as absolute ones, such as the one concerning the Muslim Turkish people seen as blood-thirsty and the Roman Catholic Church as libertarian. The second term \"Balcanization\" intends to focus on the world wide understanding of the Balkans, a spetacular image, revealing the generally accepted analysis of the region. The work by Maria Todorova - Imagining the Balkans - was an essencial reference towards the demystification of the expression, whose connotation has always carried a great deal of prejudice and derrogattory perspective, particularly as long as the territory once named Yugoslavia, which is the object of this research, is concerned. By limitating the studied perspective above to the Yugoslavia case and covering such fields as the local, the regional and global spheres, the title of this research intends to enlighten and define both senses, the object and its image, apprehending as accurately as possible its diversity of meanings, thus: From Balkanization to \"Balkanization\".

Esta pesquisa analisa a atuação dos grupos de interesses do setor privado na política de internet no Brasil, concentrando-se na definição do princípio da neutralidade de rede no âmbito do Marco Civil da Internet. A influência dos grupos de interesses e o seu papel como fornecedores de informação aos tomadores de decisão foi constatada a partir do levantamento de documentos oficiais, contribuições a consultas e audiências públicas e artigos jornalísticos. Em seguida, os dados levantados foram analisados sob três abordagens teóricas: os tipos de políticas públicas de Lowi, a ciência política com foco na política (policy-focused) de Hacker e Pierson, e o equilíbrio interrompido de True e Baumgatner. A pesquisa identificou que os grupos de interesses traçaram as suas estratégias em função das características da política, formaram coalizões baseadas em interesses compartilhados e construíram três imagens principais para o assunto da neutralidade de rede a fim de destacar o seu posicionamento e captar a atenção de formuladores de política, tomadores de decisão e da opinião pública, são elas: a liberdade de expressão, competição e a legalidade. Os três principais grupos de interesses do setor privado que disputaram a definição do Marco Civil da Internet foram o setor de conteúdo, o setor de internet e o setor de telecomunicações. Em conclusão, a pesquisa identificou a redução gradativa do escopo da política para acomodar interesses conflitantes em um mínimo final. / This research aims to analyze private sector interest groups influence on internet policy in Brazil, particularly on the definition of network neutrality in the Internet Framework Law (Marco Civil da Internet). Interest groups influence and their role as information subsidizers was examined through the study of official documents, contributions to public consultations and public hearings and media articles. Following data collection, a descriptive analysis of the results was undertaken based on three main theoretical approaches: Theodore Lowi\'s public policy typology, Hacker and Pierson\'s policy-focused social science and True and Baumgartner\'s punctuated equilibrium. The research identified that interests groups traced their strategies according to the policy in dispute, built coalitions based on shared (but mutable) interests, and developed three main images to emphasize their position and engage policymakers, decisionmakers and public opinion: network neutrality as freedom of speech, as competition and as legality. Three main private sector interest groups were identified during the dispute: the content industry, the internet industry and the telecommunications industry. In conclusion, this research observed that group dispute gradually reduced policy scope to accommodate conflicting interests in one final policy.

This thesis investigates the Europeanisation of civil society at national level through a case study of the Swedish Women’s Lobby (SWL), an umbrella organisation which serves as the Swedish member of the Brussels-based European Women’s Lobby (EWL). Conceptualising umbrella organisations as ‘meta-organisations’, in Ahrne and Brunsson’s term, Europeanisation is seen as a process which imposes meta-organisational structures on domestic-level civil society. Based largely on semi-structured interviews, the aim of the study is thus to analyse in what ways the women’s movement in Sweden has been affected by the imposed meta-organisational structure. The findings show that while the SWL has been successful in establishing itself as the actor for the Swedish women’s movement, this success also brought with it some problems. The meta-organisational structure has had certain formalising and excluding effects, as well as bringing internal tensions due to overlapping activities and the desire to speak with one voice. Applying a meta-organisation perspective on the Europeanisation of domestic civil society is thus shown to be useful as it contributes an understanding of how the EU has an impact on inter-organisational relations among civil society organisations. / Denna studie undersöker europeiseringen av civilsamhället på nationell nivå genom en fallstudie av Sveriges Kvinnolobby, en paraplyorganisation och den svenska medlemmen i den europeiska kvinnolobbyn – European Women’s Lobby (EWL) – i Bryssel. Paraplyorganisationer förstås i detta sammanhang utifrån Ahrne och Brunssons begrepp metaorganisationer, dvs. ’organisationer av organisationer’. Därmed ses europeisering som en process vilken medför meta-organisatoriska strukturer till civilsamhället på nationell nivå. Studien syftar därmed till att analysera hur kvinnorörelsen i Sverige påverkats av den påbjudna metaorganisatoriska strukturen och baseras främst på semi-strukturerade intervjuer. Resultaten visar att Sveriges Kvinnolobby varit framgångsrik i att etablera sig som aktören för Sveriges kvinnorörelse men att denna framgång även medfört en del problem. Den metaorganisatoriska strukturen har medfört vissa formaliserande och exkluderande effekter, men också interna spänningar på grund av överlappande aktiviteter och lobbyns önskan att tala med en röst. Att applicera ett meta-organisatoriskt perspektiv på europeiseringen av civilsamhället på nationell nivå visar sig därmed vara användbart då det bidrar till förståelsen för hur EU har betydelse för inter-organisatoriska relationer bland civilsamhällets organisationer.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Estudios Internacionales / El año 2014 logró ser aprobada la primera ley de regulación del lobby en Chile. Dentro de sus principios se encontraba garantizar el derecho de los ciudadanos de hacer ver sus puntos de vista frente a las autoridades del Estado. A tres años de su entrada en vigencia, surge la duda de si la representación de intereses ante el poder ejecutivo chileno es equilibrada entre los distintos actores de la sociedad. Esta tesis se enfoca en tres preguntas de investigación: (i) quién hace lobby ante el poder ejecutivo chileno, y cómo se distribuye; (ii) qué variables explican dicha distribución; y (iii) si los hallazgos del caso chileno son comparables con los de Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea. Para responderlas se utilizan los datos otorgados por los registros de la Ley de Lobby, que por primera vez entrega acceso a información de las audiencias sostenidas por autoridades del Estado. A partir de esa información se construyó una base de datos con las cerca de 3700 audiencias sostenidas por ministros y subsecretarios entre noviembre de 2014 y diciembre 2016. Con dicha base de datos se desarrolló el análisis de distribución y sus variantes asociadas, para posteriormente realizar el análisis comparado de los hallazgos. Los resultados obtenidos apuntan a un sistema de representación de intereses desigual en favor de grupos empresariales. Además, se observa que a nivel temático existe una mayor concentración de lobby en los ministerios de carácter económico. Estos hallazgos van en línea con la literatura desarrollada para el estudio del lobby a nivel legislativo en el caso chileno, y también para otros casos de estudio, como lo son Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea. Por lo tanto, no existe una participación equitativa entre los distintos actores de la sociedad, demostrando que las audiencias de lobby, como forma de acudir a las autoridades del Estado, no son una herramienta a la que todos los ciudadanos accedan por igual. / CONICYT (CONICYT-PCHA/MagísterNacional/2016-22161036)

Unexplored areas in EU integration literature regarding regional representational channels give impetus to the research. Novelty lies in its concentration on reciprocal regional governmental and EU relations to test the hypothesis that Regions with Legislative Competencies (RLCs) interact in EU policy and decision-making to influence it through both formal and informal means. The work focuses on RLCs because they are able to harness a large degree of power and influence vis-à-vis the nation state, which increases their visibility in EU policy. The Basque Country is the case study due to its high degree of autonomy and resources that maximises its ability to influence EU policy. The period of analysis starts from the Maastricht Treaty negotiations (1991-1992) and concludes with the Basque parliamentary elections (2009). Existing literature explores the regional tier emphasising its involvement in EU decision and policymaking, primarily concerning structural and cohesion funds. Other scholarly contributions identify central governments as the regulators of substate regional participation at EU-level policymaking. The thesis argues that multi-level governance (MLG) offers new insights into examining EU integration and the phenomenon of regional ‘circumvention’ of central governments through informal representational avenues, including interregional organisations and diverse lobbying efforts. A MLG approach is useful because it considers varying levels of influence and jurisdiction of substate, state, and supranational entities within the EU. The thesis argues that the effective representational capability of RLCs depends on formal and informal institutional contacts, and it explores the most effective forms of representation for Euskadi and the policy areas where its activism has an impact. Fieldwork consists primarily of informal semi-structured interviews with EU representatives, the central state, Basque institutions, and interregional organisations. They are essential concerns for the methodology because they form a range of informal and formal representation channels, which have not been thoroughly surveyed in the literature.

After the weakening of Turkish-Armenian relations and intensive American missionary activities, Armenians began to leave their homelands for educational, economic and political reasons. Emigration to the United States intensified in particular in response to the 1915 Techir (Relocation and Resettlement) Law. After achieving political rights in the United States, Armenian immigrants formed groups that began trying to influence U.S. government policy, working to win recognition of the alleged Armenian Genocide, financial assistance for Armenia, and other policies favorable to Armenia. The process that began resolution the alleged Armenia Genocide was removed from the historical dimension and moved to the political dimension and an international policy instrument was created. In the United States, the Armenian Diaspora strives to influence government policy systematically through diaspora organizations that carefully follow the international scene and advocate for United States foreign policies in favor of Armenia. In this study, the ultimate aims of the Armenia Diaspora over American politics and policy-making, and the activities of the Armenian Lobby will be examined.