Participatory budgeting (PB) is a governing mechanism whereby citizens decide how to allocate part of a local budget. It promises greater accountability, efficiency, and citizen participation in the budgetary process with minimal cost and effort. The process is in place in hundreds of cities in Latin America, but what is unclear in the scholarship is what factors and pre-conditions determine its success. This case study of Córdoba, Argentina is useful for analyzing whether a consideration of pre-conditions is useful in predicting success. This study isolates the primary influential factors to determine why only 10% of projects have been completed and participation rates are declining by: examining the structure, funding, history, and political and social context of participatory budgeting; comparing Córdoba to other similar countries that have adopted participatory budgeting; conducting key informant interviews; and participating in PB workshops. Of the pre-conditions identified in the study, waning political will and political distractions most influenced the evolution of PB in Córdoba. Despite these setbacks, key individuals both inside the government, such as Director of Participatory Budgeting Jorge Guevara, and outside, such as the members of the Grupo Promotor de Participación Ciudadana (GPPC), operated as a web to generate social capital where institutional knowledge and political will were lacking. The presence of such a web suggests that given the opportunity, PB in Córdoba may yet improve and thrive. I conclude by recommending a strategic planning methodology as a means for cities to independently evaluate their participatory budgeting performance. / text

Venezuela began a process of decentralization in the late 1980s as part of a major period of institutional reform designed to restore legitimacy to the discredited political system of the time. The first efforts towards this end did not complete the process of decentralizing political power, since they did not open more spaces or channels for citizen participation in public affairs. With the adoption of a new National Constitution in 1999, however, new channels for citizen participation were opened through the creation, amongst other mechanisms, of the State Councils of Public Policy Planning, the Local Councils of Public Planning and later, the Community Councils. The primary objectives of this thesis were to analyze the degree to which this decentralization process has improved local governance in Venezuela. More specifically, the investigation focused on exploring the effectiveness of the measures introduced to enhance civil society participation in public affairs. The analysis draws upon and attempts to integrate insights from a range of academic literatures including those dealing with: the debates surrounding good governance , organizational and institutional theory, decentralization and civil society participation in public affairs. Rich empirical research into the degree to which the decentralization process has promoted citizen involvement in decision making involved the exploration of a wide range of secondary materials and the conducting of interviews with key actors and participants within the programmes under investigation. Key findings include the observation that the creation and operation of the Local Councils of Public Planning and Community Councils have led to the evolution of a participatory process that has been marred by a lack of legal continuity, institutional disorganization and a lack of awareness of the existence of the mechanisms (and some suspicion regarding their intentions amongst the general population). Outcomes have also been heavily influenced by the political polarization that exists in contemporary Venezuela. The community councils in particular have been the subject of considerable debate within the country with opinion sharply divided along political lines as to whether they represent a radical new vision of decentralization or another way to further centralize power within the hands of President Hugo Chávez.

In India, the 1992 Reservation Law and the 2006 Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) have formalised women as legitimate actors in rural development. These gender-inclusive policies do not necessarily conform to the traditional domestic role of women, which often precludes them from formally engaging in political processes and labour outside the home. In Northern India, these major policy shifts are illustrated in ancient irrigation management systems. With growing rural outmigration and climatic variability aggravating water resources and food security issues, irrigation management is increasingly dependent on the active participation of women. Yet irrigation management is still widely perceived as a male responsibility. This thesis investigates how women adapt and respond to new institutionally mandated responsibilities and expectations as female leaders and as water users. The research is presented in four complementary papers based on quantitative and qualitative data collected during fieldwork in Delhi and Himachal Pradesh. Three major findings emerged to contribute to theories and evidence of the role of public policies in shaping gendered outcomes for common pool resource management in irrigation system in India. First, gender norms affect women differently depending on their public role in the community. Unlike non-political women, female leaders, as public figures, must secure communal approbation to gain power, credibility, and socio-economic networks. As a result, female leaders shape their political behaviour and policy preferences around local notions of femininity, female morality, and labour-based ideas of expertise. Second, for female water users, gender inclusive policies that legitimise their role as participants in formal political processes and the labour force for irrigation management increase their likelihood to defy gender-based restrictions and engage in formal political processes around irrigation management. Third, providing that formal/legal structures legitimize their actions, women will readily breach gender norms if they are to economically benefit from it. The implication of this research are that policies aimed at providing legal support for women to engage in formal rural development, combined with formalised economic opportunities for women are effective eroding agents of gendered institutions and are catalysts in facilitating the engagement of women in all areas of rural development. Given worldwide concerns over rural development, this study encourages such governmental actions to enable the effective and full engagement of future generations of women in the formal management of common pool resources.

O objetivo da pesquisa foi analisar se a participação de atores sociais em espaços coletivos de deliberação contribui efetivamente para melhorar a governança local em espaços rurais. Com base em duas experiências recentes de promoção do desenvolvimento regional nos Estados brasileiros de Minas Gerais e Ceará, discute-se como a interação entre diferentes atores influencia a alteração de comportamentos e a estruturação de ações coletivas que resultam em projetos territoriais voltados ao desenvolvimento. O que se destaca nessas experiências é o rompimento com a reprodução monótona, no âmbito dos vários conselhos gestores espalhados pelo Brasil, de padrões setoriais, pouco diversificados e com forte ênfase municipal da participação social. A principal conclusão do estudo é que a estruturação de espaços coletivos de deliberação e intercâmbio públicos encerram grande potencial de fortalecer a governança local e contribuir para o desenvolvimento de regiões rurais. / The purpose of this research was to analyze if the participation of social actors in collective spaces of public deliberation contributes effectively to improve the local governance in rural areas. On the basis of two recent experiences of planning for the regional development in the Brazilian States of Minas Gerais and Ceará, are argued how the interaction between different actors influences the alteration of behaviors and facilitates the sprouting of collective actions that result in territorial projects to the development. What it is distinguished in these experiences is the disruption with the monotonous reproduction, in the scope of the some participatory forums spread by Brazil, of sectorial standards, little diversified and with strong municipal emphasis of the social participation. The main conclusion of the study is that collective spaces of public deliberation and interchange disclose great potential to fortify the territorial governance and to contribute for the development of rural regions.

La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires. / Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities.

This paper analyzes fundamental shortcomings in the Georgian legal bases in both the constitution and the tax code with regard to a sustainable fiscal policy. It shows that the lack of experience with sharing political powers and competences among the administrative levels create centralizing tendencies, which are in sharp contrast to more recent laws on local selfgovernment. Having set the legal background of today’s administrative structure in Georgia, the paper continues to describe the country’s budget composition in terms of tax revenues and expenses since the year 2000. Following a brief discussion of the Georgian systems of transfers to subordinate administrative entities the paper concludes by naming essential reform steps that need to be taken towards the development of a functioning fiscal policy on all levels.

This thesis aims at critically examining the specific place of the &quot / critical&quot / and &quot / radical&quot / theories within both the theory of public administration and political theory, particularly in terms of the discursive participatory framework they offer. The fundamental question dealt with is whether or not the power and dependence analyses of these approaches (which are treated as &#039 / marginal&#039 / in the field) is convincing for an egalitarian, comprehensive and socially transformative democratic governance. Since a discussion of this sort essentially problematizes the reduction of political equality to a proceduralist and abstract philosophical equality, not to commit a similar fallacy of &quot / apriorism&quot / , the study incorporates the observations on LA-21 Turkey processes as a local governance program, in terms of a concrete contribution to theoretical discussion. In the light of direct observations, interviews and data obtained from secondary resources regarding the participatory practices, the level of organization and current capacity of political representation are inferred to be also decisive on the capacity to participate, owing this decisiveness substantially to the economic and social resources in the real social formation, hence the conditions of production of local knowledge are consequently identified as far from reflecting a democratic environment purified from power relations. Highlighting the risk for the notion of self-governance to gain a hegemonic functionality for bourgeoisie democracy concealing and perpetuating social inequalities, the thesis argues for shifting the inquire for the dominant class, from solely political-administrative sphere to civil society, and the maintainable and reproductive conditions and mechanisms of dominance between these two spheres.

<p>This dissertation investigates the varied institutional foundations of local governance in rural China with central emphasis on the role of communal structures and rural-urban migration. Instead of treating indigenously developed institutions (IDIs) and externally imposed institutions (EIIs) as competing variables as in most other contemporary research on local governance, this dissertation develops a theoretical framework exploring the interaction between the two types of institutions in sustaining local governance as well as analyzing how community structural features shape this interaction and influence their respective efficacy in sustaining local governance. With the help of a representative national survey in mainland China in 2008 and carefully selected case studies, this dissertation finds that both indigenous institutions and externally imposed institutions can uphold quality governance in local communities, as long as they can efficaciously solve the problems of collective action and accountability. Close-knit communities favor the operation of indigenous institutions; while externally imposed institutions are relatively more competent in half-open communities. However, neither of them can survive and perform effectively in atomized communities due to the lack of a minimal level of coordination among community members. As outward migration challenges rural communities in an uneven way and transforms communal structures to various extents, it is likely to observe a variety of institutional foundations sustaining local governance in Chinese villages.</p> / Dissertation

Taiwan administration district division and politic landscape began to appear significant combination and revolution since the issuance of the amendment of¡§ Law of Local Politics¡¨ on Feb. 3, 2010. The Kaohsiung county and Kaohsiung city has been combined to a totally new political structure which will have a significant impact on the reorganization of township governments. Therefore the issues such as the governance interrelationship among local government organizations and their own governance relationship, the combination method of township regions, and the revolution of organization structure are important and deserve for further investigation. The study takes the Hunei Township of Kaohsiung County as an example. The township local leaders, focus groups and other important interested parties are interviewed. Through the deep interview method and the SWOT analysis, this study constructs the problems and investigates possible solutions related to the development of township government after the combination of the county and the city, in order to reduce the obstruction of organization reform. Therefore, the main aims of the study are the followings: (1) discuss the rationality and justness of an administrative area combination; (2) discuss the supporting measures that are necessary for increasing organizational effectiveness after the combination; (3) discuss the local fiscal division issues after the combination; and (4) analyze simplified personnel and taxation efficiency. The study aims at providing suggestions for the future sustainable development of Hunei township government after the combination of Kaohsiung district, which will be helpful for the development of other villages and towns.

Under the impact of globalization, the concept of local governance arose, which altered the traditional, centralized government structure. Along with the development of economy, transportation, industries and urban areas, the life circles of local residents enlarged gradually. To increase governing efficiency, greater autonomic powers of city and county governments together with cross region cooperation have been considered. In fact, the merger and upgrade of a number of counties and cities to become 5 special municipalities will be effective on December 25, 2010. As a whole, in addition to greater autonomic power, these new municipalities are entitled to more financial independence as well. For a long time, the insufficiency of financial independence has been the core of local financial problem, which in turn, was due to inadequate self-owned resources. The appropriateness of the allocation of financial resources to the 5 new municipalities is the most concerned issue for now. The revision of The Law of Subdivision of Financial Income and Expenditure will directly affect the allocation of local financial resources and, in other words, financial independence. Since the last revision of The Law of Subdivision of Financial Income and Expenditure in 2010, though the allocated tax revenue has increased in Kaohsiung City and County, general subsidies, on the other hand, has decreased, and new financial burdens are getting even more. As the analysis of this study, the proportion of self-owned financial resources of merged Kaohsiung City and County in the 2011 fiscal year does not exceed the proportion in fiscal year 2010 before the merger. It is verifiable that the enactment of the revised Law of Subdivision of Financial Income and Expenditure did not significantly increase the merged Greater Kaohsiung with its self-owned financial resources and is helpless in bringing up its financial capability. As a result, the merged Greater Kaohsiung should be endeavored to develop its own financial resources, so as to solve the problem of insufficient fund. Aiming at the ways to develop self-owned financial resources and to bring up financial capability for the merged Greater Kaohsiung, a number of strategies are advised by this study, for instance, to levy taxes for carbon emission, to get subsidies and grants through special projects, to share 50% sales taxes with central government, to recalculate allocated tax revenue in accordance with the production of polluting industries¡Ketc.. Furthermore, based on the partnership of central and local financial cooperation, this study would like to present several suggestions for the central government to help resolve local financial problems, for instance, to establish local financial reconstruction foundation, to elevate tax burden ratio, to reinforce financial dicepline¡Ketc.