O presente estudo analisa a eleição do décimo quarto deputado da bancada de Minas Gerais para as Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, reunidas em Lisboa durante os anos de 1821 e 1822. Procura-se determinar os motivos que levaram à eleição tardia de um representante dos habitantes da comarca de Paracatu: o Vigário de Desemboque D. Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick. A pesquisa analisa as dificuldades vividas na condução da crise política durante esses anos na província de Minas Gerais e na comarca de Paracatu. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da transição do regime absolutista ao liberal na província de Minas Gerais e no Brasil. Para isto, observam-se os diferentes momentos do processo eleitoral em Minas, procurando compreender a construção da unidade na província e no país durante o processo que levou à separação do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves. / The present study analyses the election of the fourteenth representative from Minas Gerais to the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Cortes (Courts) of the Portuguese Nation, assembled in Lisbon during the years of 1821 and 1822. The aim is to determine the motives which led to the late election of a representative amongst the inhabitants of the Paracatu comarca (district): Sir Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick, vicar of Desemboque. The research analyses the difficulties lived in the conduction of the political crisis during these years in the province of Minas Gerais and in the comarca (district) of Paracatu. With this analysis, the intention is to contribute to the comprehension of the transition from an absolutist to a liberal regime in the province of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. Thus, different moments of the electoral process in Minas are observed to comprehend the construction of the provincial and national unity which led to the separation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil e Algarves.

My dissertation project seeks to understand when and how do national judges play an active and significant role in how international legal orders do or do not affect their polities. Specifically, I look at when and how British judges play a role in how European Union law through the European Court of Justice and European human rights law through the European Court of Human Rights affect the British polity. These international legal orders contain both vertical and horizontal aspects. Vertical aspects include the highest court and its judges defined by the treaty, which operates as the international, hierarchical authority on the treaty and is tasked with ensuring the compliance of the member states of the treaty. Horizontal aspects include member state courts and judges who interact with other member state courts and judges as equals voluntarily to share an understanding of the law. Britain is interesting because it may seem like a counterintuitive place to find such dynamics. Britain has a strong resistance to international authority, a deeply entrenched idea of Parliamentary Supremacy, and a dualist legal tradition where Parliament translates international law into domestic law prior to its use by the courts, which contributes to a lack of expectation of British judges engaging in international judicial activism, making Britain a hard case. In this context, we should expect that international law only matters to the extent that domestic actors are forced to incorporate it by a strong international legal order with vertical supremacy and unambiguous authority. To the contrary, my dissertation shows that British judges are quite active in many international legal orders in ways that do not merely reflect the degree of established vertical legal authority. Through dynamics that are quite autonomous from British politicians' difficult interactions with international authority, British judges play a very active role in managing and integrating international law into British politics. To see these dynamics and understand how international law has affected British politics, we must pay special attention to horizontal legal integration. Horizontal legal integration occurs when judges intentionally and selectively borrow legal concepts and precedents from other national or international jurisdictions.

O presente estudo analisa a eleição do décimo quarto deputado da bancada de Minas Gerais para as Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, reunidas em Lisboa durante os anos de 1821 e 1822. Procura-se determinar os motivos que levaram à eleição tardia de um representante dos habitantes da comarca de Paracatu: o Vigário de Desemboque D. Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick. A pesquisa analisa as dificuldades vividas na condução da crise política durante esses anos na província de Minas Gerais e na comarca de Paracatu. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da transição do regime absolutista ao liberal na província de Minas Gerais e no Brasil. Para isto, observam-se os diferentes momentos do processo eleitoral em Minas, procurando compreender a construção da unidade na província e no país durante o processo que levou à separação do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves. / The present study analyses the election of the fourteenth representative from Minas Gerais to the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Cortes (Courts) of the Portuguese Nation, assembled in Lisbon during the years of 1821 and 1822. The aim is to determine the motives which led to the late election of a representative amongst the inhabitants of the Paracatu comarca (district): Sir Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick, vicar of Desemboque. The research analyses the difficulties lived in the conduction of the political crisis during these years in the province of Minas Gerais and in the comarca (district) of Paracatu. With this analysis, the intention is to contribute to the comprehension of the transition from an absolutist to a liberal regime in the province of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. Thus, different moments of the electoral process in Minas are observed to comprehend the construction of the provincial and national unity which led to the separation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil e Algarves.

This diploma thesis will study life and action Smil of Lichtenburk's sons under the reign the last Przemislid kings Wenceslas II. and Wenceslas III., but especially in the context Henry of Carinthia's reign. The first part is devoted to coming the lords of Lichtenburg to the area of the Bohemian-Moravian highlands, which is connected primarily with Smil of Lichtenburg. In the following chapters it maps activities Smil of Lichtenburg's sons in the economic and political sphere of observed period. Study period was indikative defined years 1280 - 1310 with knowledge of overlaps to the period previous and next after the defined years. With regard to death Smil of Lichtenburg's youngest sons, which died in 1313, more precisely in 1329, touch this diploma thesis also John Luxembourgish's reign. There is observating destiny of mentioned descendant. Aim of this diploma thesis is try to bring a new view on the real persons of lords of Lichtenburg and primaly to their signifikance for Henry of Carinthia's reign. To the achievement this aim was using heuristic methody of gathering sources, which relate to this issues, and also relevant historical literature. Based on the study of sources and historical literature we can say, that all sons of Smil of Lichtenburg more or less affected to the Henry of Carinthia's reign....

This dissertation focuses on lay Catholic ministry to Puerto Ricans in Philadelphia when Frank Rizzo was mayor. Gramsci’s concept of “organic intellectuals” is employed to explain the praxis of the Philadelphia Young Lords, an organization formed in a Puerto Rican neighborhood during the confrontational politics of the 1970s. The dissertation advances previous scholarship on the Young Lords by offering reasons to consider these youthful leaders as lay Catholic advocates of social justice in Philadelphia and describes the role of faith convictions as they pursued social justice in the style of the biblical prophetic burden. Through interviews and textual analysis, the dissertation traces the evolution of lay volunteerism before the Second Vatican Council as foundational to the Young Lords’ application of liberation theology. The Young Lords in Philadelphia also followed the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party’s definition of the people’s multiracial identity and the Nationalists’ defense of Catholic principles. Their experiences are inserted into the general history of Philadelphia, a city which Quakers had founded as a cluster of urban villages, producing a distinctive pattern of ethnic enclaves of Philadelphia’s row house neighborhoods. The city’s Catholicism had structured parish life upon the civic culture, and initially extended this model to its Puerto Rican ministry. However, racial polarization at a time of municipal crisis under Rizzo invited new pastoral strategies towards civil right and the Vietnam War. Despite the Young Lords’ reliance on Marxist principles and the confrontational politics of the Black Panthers, local Catholic clergy supported many of their efforts. The dissertation explores the symbolic capital gained by the Young Lords which made them into a vanguard organization in the city’s fields of political and pastoral interaction. / Religion

L’étude des résidences aristocratiques dans l’ancien comté d’Astarac résulte de travaux réalisés entre 2003 et 2011. Elle s’inscrit dans l’enquête sur les forteresses médiévales de Midi-Pyrénées qui a débuté en 1994 et qui vise à procéder à l’évaluation du patrimoine régional. L’objectif principal a été d’inventorier les différentes formes de fortification liées à la résidence seigneuriale. Le corpus final, composé d’ouvrages de terre fortifiés (mottes, plates-formes et enclos fossoyés), de tours, salles et tours-salles, constitue la base de notre réflexion. Il ressort de cette enquête que le Gers méridional a connu l’implantation d’un grand nombre de fortifications seigneuriales et de résidences aristocratiques médiévales entre le Xe siècle et le XVIe siècle. Près de 320 sites, dispersés sur 10 cantons ont ainsi été répertoriés. Cette étude a été enrichie par le dépouillement des sources écrites disponibles. Un travail historique sur le comté d’Astarac et les seigneurs de cette zone, constituant l’aristocratie locale généralement peu évoquée dans les études analogues, a également été entrepris afin de mieux cerner le statut des propriétaires des habitats fortifiés repérés. Les informations recueillies sur le terrain et dans les sources consultées ont ainsi permis de réaliser un travail de réflexion sur le peuplement et l’organisation du territoire comtal astaracais. / This study of the aristocratic residences of the ancient county of Astarac results from works done between 2003 and 2011. It is part of general survey of the medieval fortresses of Midi-Pyrénées which started in 1994 and aims at evaluating the patrimony of this region. The main purpose was an inventory of fortresses such as mottes, castral platforms, moated sites and ringworks and so aristocratic residences as towers, salas and towers-salas. It shows that the southern part of the Gers department witness the implantation of a number of fortified sites seigniorial and aristocratic residences between the X century and the XVI century. A list of more 320 sites, scattered over 10 cantons was thus drawn up. This work has been completed according to examinations of written documents. An historic work of the ancient county of Astarac and the seigniorial power has been realized to identify proprietary’s statute. Informations from field researches and archival sources made possible an assessment of the populating and the county’s organization.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Communication and Culture, 2007. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-05, Section: A, page: 1918. Adviser: John L. Lucaites. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Jan. 14, 2008)."

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Dissertation abstract This dissertation deals with the lowest segment of administration in Bohemia - regional offices - with respect to their personnel staffing in 1537-1848. The chronological limits of the work were determined by surviving archival sources of the central institutions and printed calenders and "schematizations" which enabled, with exceptions of a part of problematic years of the Thirty Years'War, to compile the line of the regional governors in this period. The first two chapters briefly discuss the development of the regions and regional governors'duties, and in this way delimit the frames of their activities in the society. The next two chapters form the basis of the study. They are focused on the participation of nobility in the administration of the regions in chronological order. Firstly, the share of the high nobility and particulary aristocracy within in holding the office is observed, dividing the period into three parts, first the period before the White Mountain Bettle, the second within the years 1631-1713 and last is limited by the years of the regions'reforms in 1714 and 1751. The reason for adopting the chronological division was the used method which enabled to specify the biggest land possesors in the regions after the White Mountain period and to clarify the involment of...

Wenceslaus IV. is traditionally considered as a not very capable monarch, in contrast to his successful father, Emperor Charles IV. Not even modern historiography works are without a flattened negative view on this ruler. The aim of this work is to relativize Wenceslaus' alleged ruling inability in an example of his policy in Lands of the Bohemian Crown, namely in Lower Lusatia between years 1364-1419. The issue of the crown countries in this period has been so far in the background of Bohemian researchers' interest. Emphasis is placed on the socio- cultural background of Lusatian Margrave at the end of the 14th century and it is possible to also evaluate the position of Lower Lusatia throughout the whole Bohemian Crown. The focus of the thesis is an analysis of specific Wenceslaus' political steps, mainly based on charters research. The work is also focused on exploring the relationship between the sovereign and the Lower Lusatian nobility, cities and churches. The scope is also devoted to the contribution of John of Gorlitz and Jost of Moravia to the administration of Margrave. By analyzing the above- mentioned aspects, is possible to enrich the view of the government of Wenceslaus IV. and to relativize the traditional narrative of his inability to govern. Finally, it can prove the continuity of...