Au cours de la première moitié du XIXème siècle, la Méditerranée a constitué un espace conflictuel particulier entre la France et La Grande-Bretagne. L’Affaire d’Alger en 1830 marquera à ce titre un nouveau point de désaccord entre Londres et Paris au même moment où l’empire britannique inaugurait une ère de grandes réformes sociales, parlementaires et idéologiques. La diplomatie outre-Manche particulièrement sous les Tories insistera, avec véhémence sur la nécessité du retrait des troupes de l’armée d’Afrique de sa nouvelle acquisition en Afrique du Nord : Alger. Ce dossier de politique étrangère fera l’objet d’un travail parlementaire soutenu et dont les organes de la presse écrite, à l’instar du quotidien The Times, s’en feront l’écho. C’est Aberdeen, diplomate et homme politique de premier ordre, qui est le premier à estimer que l’entreprise échafaudée par Charles X, roi de France, dissimule des intentions néo-impériales. Aussi, le Foreign Office ne ménagera pas ses forces, notamment par la multiplication de ses requêtes, gageant que le nouveau gouvernement de Juillet puisse honorer les engagements des Bourbons. Le refus des Conservateurs du maintien de la colonie d’Alger témoigne ainsi de l’importance de l’espace méditerranéen dans le contexte des rivalités coloniales et des stratégies impériales. Malgré le silence des Whigs après leur accès au pouvoir en novembre 1830 sur l’avenir d’Alger, l’opposition au sein de la Chambre des Lords et la Chambre des Communes s’est illustrée pour exiger que les garanties fournies par les Bourbons soient satisfaites. Le retour des Tories sur ce sujet a de ce fait donné un cachet international à l’Affaire d’Alger. / The Mediterranean Sea was to constitute a key ground of diplomatic struggle between the two traditional rivals, -Great-Britain and France- during the first half of the nineteenth century. If the British officials vehemently demanded a rapid withdrawal of French troops from the newly conquered Algiers, this subject, despite its obvious importance, has been rarely advocated in the historical interest. Hence, the present essay which aims to provide a new approach by examining the British point of view regarding the guaranties given by France to evacuate Algiers after its invasion in 1830. Thus, the work of the Foreign Minister, Aberdeen, will be a particular focus so as to get a better understanding of the British demands, notably the withdrawal of French forces. Moreover, the decision to maintain the North African colony was also a matter of passionate parliamentary controversy reported by the press; that is precisely what we will focus in order to understand British foreign policy towards the Barbary Regencies and the stakes in the Mediterranean. So, the parliamentary opposition introduced the question of Algiers as a matter of international interest. The French troops’ evacuation from Algiers was one the Tories’ examples to criticize British foreign policy under the Whig Governments.

Par la richesse de sa documentation, le diocèse de Nebbio nous offre un point d’observation de première importance sur la Corse du Moyen Âge. La place de l’institution épiscopale s’y perçoit particulièrement bien. Les évêques jouaient d’abord un rôle politique et administratif dans la mesure où ils gouvernaient la cité de Nebbio et collectaient des taxes sur le commerce maritime. En cela, ils avaient certainement capté à leur profit une part des pouvoirs de ban des comtes ou des marquis de Corse. Par ailleurs, entre la fin du XIe siècle et le courant du XIIe siècle, ils participaient à la réforme de l’Église sous l’égide du Saint-Siège, laquelle se traduisait par l’édification d’églises piévanes et de la cathédrale Santa Maria de Nebbio et par un effort de formation et de contrôle du clergé local. L’empreinte des évêques des XIIe-XIIIe siècles était d’autant plus forte sur leur diocèse que la plupart était d’origine corse.Cependant, un autre pouvoir s’affirmait au XIIIe siècle : les communautés. Elles s’organisaient selon trois degrés de juridiction. Leur mission consistait à rendre la justice et, par voie de conséquence, à résoudre les conflits. Autrement dit, les institutions communales jouaient un rôle social majeur car elles permettaient la coexistence pacifique de deux groupes sociaux qui s’étaient nettement différenciés au fil du temps : le popolo et les familles seigneuriales. Elles protégeaient, en outre, les biens de l’Église contre les usurpations des grands laïcs.Malgré tout, dans le cours du XIVe siècle, les équilibres sociaux étaient rompus. Il est vrai qu’un seigneur tel que Giovanninello de Loreta montraient des prétentions exorbitantes qui heurtaient les populaires. En sorte qu’en 1357-1358, tous les châteaux du Nebbio étaient détruits, cependant que les Avogari-Gentile se maintenaient dans leurs seigneuries de Nonza et de Canari, au prix de la concession de statuts d’inspiration communale. Les révoltes populaires amenaient aussi l’émergence d’un nouveau groupe social : les caporali. Ces notables se faisaient alors les hérauts du popolo mais, au fil du temps, ils s’en détachaient. Ils adoptaient au XVe siècle un style de vie aristocratique et violent tandis qu’ils prétendaient à un statut social privilégié.Au milieu du XVe siècle, les populaires du diocèse, excédés par les désordres et l’arbitraire générés par les aristocraties seigneuriales ou « caporalices », trouvaient à Saint-Florent un refuge. La cité devenait leur point de ralliement. Ils la développaient grâce aux privilèges que le pouvoir génois, bien implanté dans l’île à partir de la seconde moitié du XVe siècle, leur avait concédés. Cependant, la situation sociale du diocèse de Nebbio se tendait et se dégradait entre la fin du XVe siècle et les années 1540. La population connaissait alors une croissance importante, de sorte que le contrôle des ressources économiques entrainait une vive concurrence mais aussi de grands déséquilibres sociaux. De là, résultaient de nombreuses violences, dont beaucoup étaient le fait des caporali. / By the wealth of its documentation, the diocese of Nebbio offers us a point of observation of first importance on Corsica of the Middle Ages. The place of the episcopal institution perceives itself there particularly well. The bishops played at first a political and administrative role as far as they governed the city of Nebbio and collected taxes on the maritime trade. In that respect, they had certainly got in their profit a part of the powers of the counts or the marquesses of Corsica. Besides, between the end of the XIth century and the current of the XIIth century, they participated in the reform of the Church under the aegis of the Holy See, who was translated by the construction of “piévanes” churches and the cathedral Santa Maria of Nebbio and by an effort of formation and control of the clergy. The imprint of the bishops of the XIIth and XIIIth centuries was all the stronger on their diocese as most were of Corsican origin.However, another power asserted itself in the XIIIth century: communities. They got organized according to three degrees of jurisdiction. Their mission consisted in returning the justice and, consequently, in solving the conflicts. In other words, the municipal institutions played a major social role because they allowed the peaceful coexistence of two social groups which had clearly differed over time: the popolo and the seigneurial families. They protected, besides, the properties of the Church against the usurpations of the big laymen.Nevertheless, in the course of the XIVth century, the social balances were broken. It is true that a Lord such as Giovanninello de Loreta showed exaggerated claims which struck the popular. So that in 1357-1358, all the castles of Nebbio were destroyed, however when Avogari-Gentile remained in their seigneuries of Nonza and Canary, at the price of the concession of statutes of municipal inspiration. The popular revolts also brought the emergence of a new social group: caporali. These notables were then made the heralds of the popolo but, over time, they got loose from it. They adopted in the XVth century an aristocratic lifestyle whereas they aspired to a privileged social status.In the middle of the XVth century, the popular of the diocese, irritated by the disorders and the arbitrary power generated by seigneurial aristocracies or by caporali, found to Saint-Florent a refuge. The city became their assembly point. They developed it thanks to the privileges which the Genoese power, implanted well on the island from the second half of the XVth century, had granted them. However, the social situation of the diocese of Nebbio tightened and degraded between the end of the XVth century and 1540’s. The population knew then an important growth, so that the control of the economic resources caused a keen competition but also of big social imbalance. From there, resulted numerous violence. Many were the fact of caporali.

Zugl.: Trier, Universiẗat, Diss., 2008.

Univ., Diss.--Münster (Westf.), 2003. / Literaturverz. S. [301] - 318.

This thesis critiques mainstream environmentalism and pushes for Grassroots Struggle and Hope during an Era of Escalating Catastrophe.

The anti-episcopal drive which took place during the first fifteen months of the Long Parliament has long been ignored as a problem worth studying for its own merits. Usually the episcopal crisis of 1640-1642 is considered to be part of a larger crisis since the expulsion of the bishops from the House of Lords was a prelude to the English Revolution. Yet the anti-episcopal drive is of great interest and significance both in itself and in the fact that it was the first time in English history that a popular outcry changed the constitutional foundation of the English Government. It is difficult to isolate this subject from the many other political currents of which it is a part, but this study intends to do so as much as possible. However, the fact remains that in fifteen months, from 3 November, 1640 when the Long Parliament commenced, to 15 February, 1642 when the bishops were excluded from the Lords, a popular revolution had already taken place. There were four major areas in which the popular voice expressed itself in the period under discussion. There were anti-episcopal riots in London. Hundreds of petitions came to Parliament from all over the country demanding that the bishops be removed from their temporal jurisdictions. Anti-prelatical sentiment was spread by means of pamphlets during the great pamphlet war of 1641. In Parliament, the anti-episcopal leadership wedded their own cause of constitutional reform to the popular cause against the bishops. In the end, the combination of these four factors resulted in the successful passage of laws needed to deprive the episcopate of their constitutional right to sit in Parliament. The anti-episcopal drive of 1640-1642 had its roots in the popular antipathy towards the episcopal office. The bishops were deprived of their voice in Parliament because the English people wanted them removed from the Lords. The English Revolution had already begun. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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This thesis concerns the Strakonice league, an association of largely Catholic estates of 1449. It tries to conceive the topic in another way, than the older literature did, which did not pay attention to the Strakonice league not specially, but dealed with it mostly in the frame of the description of Bohemian political and military history. The thesis tries to bring new pieces of knowledge of the Strakonice league by means of analyse of correspondence of the lords of Rosenberg (Rožmberk) and of another sources. Concerning the course of the military and diplomatic struggle with the Poděbrady league itself, the emphasis is put on selected, less known aspects. The relation of the Strakonice league to the lands adjoining the Czech crown and to foreign countries, where the league was looking for allies, is elaborated separately. The last big section of the thesis concerns the league members. This section is based on collecting of data about individual persons or towns that entered the Strakonice league. There are studied their political career, motivation for their entrance into the league, possesion and their relations to each other. It all gives evidence about the rate of force and compactness of the league. The results of league's activity and the next assertion of the members in public life are...

Les États latins d’Orient, nés après le succès de la première croisade (1095-1099), sont dominés par une aristocratie militaire, catholique et latine, qui revendique une supériorité à la fois sociale, culturelle, économique et politique, laquelle lui donne, dans la logique du temps, un droit à gouverner les autres. Il s’agit dans ce travail de s’intéresser aux pratiques de pouvoir de cette classe dominante, autrement dit à l’ensemble des actions et des techniques déployées par les seigneurs pour établir, imposer, légitimer et pérenniser leur domination ; le tout dans un long XIIe siècle allant de la fondation du royaume de Jérusalem à l’arrivée en Orient de Frédéric II Hohenstaufen (1229). Ces pratiques – de la construction des châteaux au service militaire, de la justice aux mariages, du conseil au tirage au sort – structurent les jeux de pouvoir et constituent l’essence même de la nature politique de cette société aristocratique. L’Orient latin est un terrain d’études d’autant plus intéressant que les seigneurs latins, s’ils restent inscrits dans un paysage culturel occidental, savent néanmoins s’adapter aux conditions locales – marquées notamment par une très forte diversité ethnique et confessionnelle – ce qui les pousse à faire preuve d’une réelle inventivité juridique et politique ainsi qu’à emprunter de nombreuses pratiques aux mondes byzantin et musulman. Dans ce terreau particulier germe alors une culture politique originale, qui ne cesse d’évoluer au fil du siècle et qui se caractérise par une intense circulation du pouvoir, à la fois réelle et symbolique, sans cesse remis en jeu pour mieux irriguer l’ensemble de la société seigneuriale. / The Latin East, born in the aftermath of the First Crusade (1095-1099), was ruled by a military, Catholic and Latin aristocracy, which claimed a social, cultural, economic and political superiority. In this work, I studied the practices of power of this dominant class : the lords deployed diverse actions and techniques to establish, impose, legitimate, and perpetuate their domination, during a long twelfth century (from the foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem to the arrival in Orient of Frederick II Hohenstaufen in Orient in 1229). These practices - ranging from the construction of castles to military service, from justice to marriages, and from council to lottery - structured the games of power and characterized the political nature of this aristocratic society. The Latin Orient is a rich field of study inasmuch the Latin lords, although they remained part of a Western cultural landscape, nevertheless knew how to adapt to local conditions. These were marked in particular by a very high ethnic and religious diversity, which led the lords to show a real legal and political inventiveness and borrow many practices from the Byzantine and Muslim worlds. In this peculiar society, an original political culture grew and evolved over the course of the century. It was characterized by an intense circulation of power, both real and symbolic, which flew over the whole seigneurial society.

O presente estudo analisa a eleição do décimo quarto deputado da bancada de Minas Gerais para as Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, reunidas em Lisboa durante os anos de 1821 e 1822. Procura-se determinar os motivos que levaram à eleição tardia de um representante dos habitantes da comarca de Paracatu: o Vigário de Desemboque D. Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick. A pesquisa analisa as dificuldades vividas na condução da crise política durante esses anos na província de Minas Gerais e na comarca de Paracatu. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da transição do regime absolutista ao liberal na província de Minas Gerais e no Brasil. Para isto, observam-se os diferentes momentos do processo eleitoral em Minas, procurando compreender a construção da unidade na província e no país durante o processo que levou à separação do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves. / The present study analyses the election of the fourteenth representative from Minas Gerais to the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Cortes (Courts) of the Portuguese Nation, assembled in Lisbon during the years of 1821 and 1822. The aim is to determine the motives which led to the late election of a representative amongst the inhabitants of the Paracatu comarca (district): Sir Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick, vicar of Desemboque. The research analyses the difficulties lived in the conduction of the political crisis during these years in the province of Minas Gerais and in the comarca (district) of Paracatu. With this analysis, the intention is to contribute to the comprehension of the transition from an absolutist to a liberal regime in the province of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. Thus, different moments of the electoral process in Minas are observed to comprehend the construction of the provincial and national unity which led to the separation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil e Algarves.