Ce travail de thèse vise à comprendre les dynamiques sociales qui viennent influencer le processus d’appropriation d’une technologie SNA au sein d’une organisation. Pour ce faire, nous avons mené une étude inter-cas menée au sein de deux collectivités territoriales françaises et une étude intra-cas chez BOUYGUES CONSTRUCTION en nous appuyant sur un cadre théorique mobilisant la théorie de l’acteur stratégique de Crozier et Friedberg et la théorie de la pratique de Bourdieu. Un des principaux résultats de cette thèse est que l’appropriation d’une technologie SNA passe principalement par une appropriation socio-politique en deux phases : une phase d’appropriation de la nouvelle dimension donnée au capital social et une phase d’appropriation de la technologie pour servir les intérêts des acteurs concernant le développement du capital social. Nous avons également identifié que l’introduction d’un outil SNA est assignée à différentes notions symboliques (symbole de la légitimité du contrôle et de la supervision, symbole du soutien du top-management des pratiques de travail transversales, le symbole de la rigidité des structures organisationnelles, le symbole de la gestion des ressources informelles comme une ressource spécifique, le symbole de l’exclusion…) qui viennent légitimer et asseoir les différentes stratégies des groupes d’acteurs. Enfin, nous avons constaté que certains symboles liés à l’introduction du SNA sont étroitement liés à la culture de l’organisation. Ces principaux résultats ont pu être confortés par l’étude intra-cas menée chez BOUYGUES CONSTRUCTION, présentée comme une étude d’un cas particulier pouvant complémenter l’investigation menée au sein des deux collectivités territoriales. / This thesis aims to understand the social dynamics that influences actors’ adoption of a SNA tool in an organization. We have conducted multiple-case studies of two French Administrations (Mayoral offices) and an additional single case referred to a French industry BOUYGUES CONSTRUCTION drawing on Crozier and Friedberg’s theory of strategic actor and Bourdieu’s theory of practice. The first principle result is that the adoption of a SNA technology is primarily a socio-political appropriation that occurs through two phases: in the first phase actors discover social capital as a new symbolic capital and in a second phase they use the technology to influence the development of the organizational social capital in order it can serve their own interests. We have also identified that the introduction of a SNAS tool is assigned to different symbolic notions (symbol of the legitimization for control and supervision, symbol of top-management support for the development of transversal work practices, symbol of the rigidity of organizational structure, symbol of the management of informal resource as specific resource, symbol of exclusion) useful to provide legitimacy to the actors’ strategies in organizations. Finally, we highlight that these symbolic notions appear connected to the organizational culture. These key findings have emerged from our multiple-case study and have been reinforced the additional single case studied in BOUYGUES CONSTRUCTION. This single case complements the investigation conducted in the two Mayoral offices.

Les États latins d’Orient, nés après le succès de la première croisade (1095-1099), sont dominés par une aristocratie militaire, catholique et latine, qui revendique une supériorité à la fois sociale, culturelle, économique et politique, laquelle lui donne, dans la logique du temps, un droit à gouverner les autres. Il s’agit dans ce travail de s’intéresser aux pratiques de pouvoir de cette classe dominante, autrement dit à l’ensemble des actions et des techniques déployées par les seigneurs pour établir, imposer, légitimer et pérenniser leur domination ; le tout dans un long XIIe siècle allant de la fondation du royaume de Jérusalem à l’arrivée en Orient de Frédéric II Hohenstaufen (1229). Ces pratiques – de la construction des châteaux au service militaire, de la justice aux mariages, du conseil au tirage au sort – structurent les jeux de pouvoir et constituent l’essence même de la nature politique de cette société aristocratique. L’Orient latin est un terrain d’études d’autant plus intéressant que les seigneurs latins, s’ils restent inscrits dans un paysage culturel occidental, savent néanmoins s’adapter aux conditions locales – marquées notamment par une très forte diversité ethnique et confessionnelle – ce qui les pousse à faire preuve d’une réelle inventivité juridique et politique ainsi qu’à emprunter de nombreuses pratiques aux mondes byzantin et musulman. Dans ce terreau particulier germe alors une culture politique originale, qui ne cesse d’évoluer au fil du siècle et qui se caractérise par une intense circulation du pouvoir, à la fois réelle et symbolique, sans cesse remis en jeu pour mieux irriguer l’ensemble de la société seigneuriale. / The Latin East, born in the aftermath of the First Crusade (1095-1099), was ruled by a military, Catholic and Latin aristocracy, which claimed a social, cultural, economic and political superiority. In this work, I studied the practices of power of this dominant class : the lords deployed diverse actions and techniques to establish, impose, legitimate, and perpetuate their domination, during a long twelfth century (from the foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem to the arrival in Orient of Frederick II Hohenstaufen in Orient in 1229). These practices - ranging from the construction of castles to military service, from justice to marriages, and from council to lottery - structured the games of power and characterized the political nature of this aristocratic society. The Latin Orient is a rich field of study inasmuch the Latin lords, although they remained part of a Western cultural landscape, nevertheless knew how to adapt to local conditions. These were marked in particular by a very high ethnic and religious diversity, which led the lords to show a real legal and political inventiveness and borrow many practices from the Byzantine and Muslim worlds. In this peculiar society, an original political culture grew and evolved over the course of the century. It was characterized by an intense circulation of power, both real and symbolic, which flew over the whole seigneurial society.

Em Crítica do Poder, Axel Honneth defende que aqueles que buscam realizar o projeto da teoria crítica têm de desenvolver um quadro conceitual que seja capaz de compreender tanto as estruturas da dominação social como os recursos sociais necessários à sua superação prática. Partindo de uma reconstrução do percurso de Honneth até Luta por Reconhecimento, procuramos inicialmente mostrar que a teoria do reconhecimento corresponde à tentativa do autor de realizar essas tarefas. Explicitando, no entanto, que seus esforços nesse momento se concentram nas tarefas de reconstruir a dinâmica normativa das relações intersubjetivas e o interesse estrutural dos seres humanos pelo reconhecimento, defendemos que Honneth acaba perdendo de vista o fato de que as relações sociais estão perpassadas por relações de poder. Retomando então as críticas dirigidas a Honneth por diversos autores, argumentamos que, tal como formulada em Luta por Reconhecimento, a teoria honnethiana do reconhecimento depende de uma compreensão redutora do poder. Tendo em vista que, após seu debate com Nancy Fraser, Honneth reconhece esse problema e reformula importantes elementos de sua teoria, dedicamos parte da tese à análise dessas reformulações. Ao fazermos isso, nosso objetivo é mostrar que, embora procure dar conta da relação entre reconhecimento e poder, Honneth acaba se afastando, em seus textos mais recentes, da noção de dominação social. Defendendo, por fim, o projeto crítico esboçado em Crítica do Poder, dedicamos a última seção da tese à discussão do trabalho de três diferentes representantes de uma nova geração de teóricos críticos, cujo objetivo parece ser exatamente o de realizá-lo. / In Critique of Power, Axel Honneth argues that those who seek to realize the project of critical theory today must develop a conceptual framework able to comprehend both the structures of social domination and the social resources for its practical overcoming. Starting with a reconstruction of Honneths theoretical development until Struggle for Recognition, our first aim is to show that the theory of recognition corresponds to the author\'s attempt to fulfill these tasks. Pointing out, however, that his efforts at this time are concentrated on the tasks of reconstructing the normative dynamics of intersubjective relations and the structural human interest for recognition, we argue that Honneth ends up losing sight of the fact that power permeate social relations. Resuming, at this point, the criticisms directed at Honneth by various authors, we aim to show that his recognition theory, as presented in Struggle for Recognition, depends on a reductive understanding of power. Considering that, after his debate with Nancy Fraser, Honneth acknowledges this problem and reformulates important elements of his theory, we devote part of this thesis to an analysis of the different strategies deployed by Honneth with this purpose. By doing this, our goal is to show that even thou Honneth tries to account for the relationship between recognition and power, in his most recent texts, he seems to abandon the concept of social domination. Advocating, finally, for the critical project presented by Honneth in Critique of Power, will devote the last section of the thesis to discuss the work of three different representatives of a new generation of critical theorists, whose purpose seems to be exactly to realize it.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier sur le long terme, depuis la fin de l'époque achéménide jusqu'à celle du Haut-Empire (aux alentours de 235 après J.-C.) l'implantation de troupes et de vétérans perses, gréco-macédoniens, thraces, lyciens et romains, puis de leurs descendants, dans l'espace phrygien, région quelque peu marginale située dans le centre-ouest de l'Anatolie. Après avoir dans la première partie identifié et justifié stratégiquement les différents lieux d'installation, elle examine l'impact économique de celle-ci au travers de l'étude de la mainmise sur la terre et ses productions, du rôle des soldats en tant que producteurs et consommateurs et de leur implication dans la sécurisation du territoire. Sur un plan social, le quotidien des militaires, des vétérans et de leurs familles est ensuite examiné, de même que les formes prises par leur domination sur le reste de la population et leurs choix religieux. Le tout s'appuie sur un vaste corpus de plusieurs centaines d'inscriptions et de monnaies. / The objective of this thesis is to study on the long term, since the end of the achaemenid period until that of the roman Top-empire (near 235 AD) the setting-up of persian, greco-macedonian, thracian, lycian and roman troops and veterans, then of their descendants, in the Phrygian space, a little marginal region situated in west central Anatolia. Having in the first part identified and justified strategically the various places of installation, it examines the economic impact of this one through the study of the seizure by the earth and its productions, the role of the soldiers as producers and consumers and of their implication in the reassurance of the territory. On a social plan, the everyday life of the servicemen, the veterans and their families is then examined, as well as the forms taken by their domination on the rest of the population and their religious choices. The whole is based on a vast corpus of several hundred inscriptions and coins.

Em Crítica do Poder, Axel Honneth defende que aqueles que buscam realizar o projeto da teoria crítica têm de desenvolver um quadro conceitual que seja capaz de compreender tanto as estruturas da dominação social como os recursos sociais necessários à sua superação prática. Partindo de uma reconstrução do percurso de Honneth até Luta por Reconhecimento, procuramos inicialmente mostrar que a teoria do reconhecimento corresponde à tentativa do autor de realizar essas tarefas. Explicitando, no entanto, que seus esforços nesse momento se concentram nas tarefas de reconstruir a dinâmica normativa das relações intersubjetivas e o interesse estrutural dos seres humanos pelo reconhecimento, defendemos que Honneth acaba perdendo de vista o fato de que as relações sociais estão perpassadas por relações de poder. Retomando então as críticas dirigidas a Honneth por diversos autores, argumentamos que, tal como formulada em Luta por Reconhecimento, a teoria honnethiana do reconhecimento depende de uma compreensão redutora do poder. Tendo em vista que, após seu debate com Nancy Fraser, Honneth reconhece esse problema e reformula importantes elementos de sua teoria, dedicamos parte da tese à análise dessas reformulações. Ao fazermos isso, nosso objetivo é mostrar que, embora procure dar conta da relação entre reconhecimento e poder, Honneth acaba se afastando, em seus textos mais recentes, da noção de dominação social. Defendendo, por fim, o projeto crítico esboçado em Crítica do Poder, dedicamos a última seção da tese à discussão do trabalho de três diferentes representantes de uma nova geração de teóricos críticos, cujo objetivo parece ser exatamente o de realizá-lo. / In Critique of Power, Axel Honneth argues that those who seek to realize the project of critical theory today must develop a conceptual framework able to comprehend both the structures of social domination and the social resources for its practical overcoming. Starting with a reconstruction of Honneths theoretical development until Struggle for Recognition, our first aim is to show that the theory of recognition corresponds to the author\'s attempt to fulfill these tasks. Pointing out, however, that his efforts at this time are concentrated on the tasks of reconstructing the normative dynamics of intersubjective relations and the structural human interest for recognition, we argue that Honneth ends up losing sight of the fact that power permeate social relations. Resuming, at this point, the criticisms directed at Honneth by various authors, we aim to show that his recognition theory, as presented in Struggle for Recognition, depends on a reductive understanding of power. Considering that, after his debate with Nancy Fraser, Honneth acknowledges this problem and reformulates important elements of his theory, we devote part of this thesis to an analysis of the different strategies deployed by Honneth with this purpose. By doing this, our goal is to show that even thou Honneth tries to account for the relationship between recognition and power, in his most recent texts, he seems to abandon the concept of social domination. Advocating, finally, for the critical project presented by Honneth in Critique of Power, will devote the last section of the thesis to discuss the work of three different representatives of a new generation of critical theorists, whose purpose seems to be exactly to realize it.

在組織合併的過程中，不同組織文化的成員，對其原屬院校有深厚的情感認同，而其對原組織認同程度的高低，是否會影響對於組織合併的態度；以及哪些人口統計變項會影響組織成員對於原組織的認同；哪些人口統計變項可用來解釋組織成員對組織變革理解程度的差異，都是本研究所欲探討的問題。 本研究針對國軍六所軍校的教師及隊職官為調查對象，探討他們對於「軍官基礎院校調併專案」的相關態度，藉以提供專案推動者及國防部政策高層去消弭抗拒變革的力量，或規避變革過程中的不良影響；以及規劃未來新設「軍官大學」之組織系統、課程規劃與設計之參考，使院校調併專案能如期如質地順利達成組織變革預期的目標。 本研究問卷設計內容包括「原組織認同度」、「社會支配傾向」、「變革接受度」與「變革理解度」、以及「變革擬案偏好選擇」等變項，以Likert 6尺度來衡量，並以變異數分析（ANOVA）、多元迴歸分析以及卡方檢定等統計方法進行檢定。總計回收有效問卷202份，回收率達67.3%。 經分析有效樣本結果如下： (一)組織成員背景中，性別與校別對原組織認同程度關係不會產生差異；(二) 組織成員背景中，年資對組織變革理解程度的關係不會產生差異；(三) 組織成員中，不會因性別因素而產生變革接受程度的差異；(四)個人的原組織認同程度的高低，對個人在選擇生活教育方案時，不會造成影響，但對選擇學年教育方案時，原組織認同高者，會使個人傾向選擇多元化學年教育方案；(五)個人的組織變革理解程度的高低，對個人選擇生活教育與學年教育方案時，並不會造成影響。本研究建議：(一)加強溝通以化解變革阻力、(二)積極建構「新組織意象」的認同度、(三)重視領導軍官與專業軍官的學年教育差異性、(四)整合各校優點發展軍官大學的特色等。

Deux objectifs sont poursuivis dans le cadre de cette thèse. Le premier est de dresser un état des lieux des victimations scolaires au Sénégal à partir d’un questionnaire administré à quelques 2707 élèves des cycles moyen (équivalent du collège en France) et secondaire (lycée). Quant au second objectif, il est centré sur la recherche d’un cadre explicatif global ainsi que des déterminants sociohistoriques des violences scolaires à travers une comparaison avec les résultats des enquêtes et des travaux conduits en France depuis le début des années 2000. C’est à partir d’un examen des rapports entre déviance, délinquance juvénile et école que le poids des facteurs externes des phénomènes de violences scolaires a pu être relativisé, voire atténué, au profit des facteurs purement institutionnels et endogènes. Le paradoxe qui ressort alors de cette confrontation et de la comparaison, à savoir la relative préservation des élèves sénégalais des violences portées par des camarades et la tendance lourde du développement en France des microviolences dont les personnels enseignants constituent la principale cible, s’explique par la spécificité des systèmes éducatifs tant dans leurs processus historiques d’institutionnalisation, dans leurs modes d’organisation que dans leur fonctionnement quotidien. Ainsi, les violences scolaires au Sénégal se construisent dans le cadre des relations éducatives inspirées de représentations socioculturelles qui légitiment des méthodes pédagogiques plutôt coercitives à travers des rapports de domination établissant le pouvoir de sanction du maître doublé d’une supériorité liée à l’âge et au sexe des membres de la communauté éducative. En France, elles sont tributaires des contradictions entre, d’une part, les conditions et les modalités de l’offre scolaire et, de l’autre, les demandes sociales d’éducation des populations ; elles trouvent alors leurs racines dans l’incapacité du système et de l’institution scolaires à prendre en compte les inégalités sociales, la diversité des profils cognitifs des élèves et de leurs motivations. Il ne reste alors aux plus « désorientés » d’entre eux que des stratégies de survie pour « sauver la face », avec tout ce que cela peut impliquer en termes de transgressions, d’« incidents » et de « perturbations » de l’ordre des classes. / This thesis is driven by two goals. The first one deals with assessing school victimizations/bullying in Senegal using a survey answered by 2707 pupils from middle grade (junior high school in France) and secondary grade (Senior high). Its other goal was to focus on seeking for global explanations as well as sociological and historical grounds for “school victimizations” through a comparison with the studies and unchallenged works carried out in France since the 2000s.Based on a study about the connections between deviancy, juvenile delinquency and school, we’ve found that the influence of external factors driving to school violence phenomena is all relative, even diminished, compared to purely institutional – so internal- factors. This confrontation and comparison bring out a paradox: Firstly, Senegalese pupils are relatively protected from schoolmates’ acts of violence. Secondly, in France, micro-acts of violence aimed at teachers tend to develop increasingly. This can be explained by the specific organization and working of each school system.Thus, school violence in Senegal is shaped by educational relations which are based on cultural representations that justify rather coercive teaching methods. It is obviously reflected in the punitive power of the teacher as well as the superiority of school staff due to their age and their sex. Consequently those facts establish relations of power. The situation in France lies on contradictions between institutional policies –school offers- and social demands in education. The first are linked to paradoxical orders such as, on the one hand, compulsory school attendance and academic success and, on the other hand, ranking and selective assessment which totally neglect the pupils’ cognitive skills. Consequently the latter are left with nothing but survival strategies aiming at “saving face” which implies all kinds of transgressions, incidents and disturbing of order within the class.