This dissertation explores the relationship between land tenure and livelihoods in pre-Saharan Morocco as an ethical struggle over subsistence rights and the definition of community. Research in an oasis valley of southern Morocco indicated how changing land use practices framed contestations over community, political authority, and social hierarchies. The dissertation specifically examines the extension of settlement and cultivation from the oasis into the arid steppe. The research methodology contextualizes household decision-making around land use and livelihood strategies within the framework of land tenure regimes and other regional, national, and global processes. Households with the resources and prestige to navigate customary tenure regimes in their favor used these institutions to facilitate land acquisition and investments in commercial agricultural production. Rather than push for capitalist land markets, they invoked a discourse of communalism in support of customary regimes. In contrast, marginalized families without access to land mobilized to divide collective lands and secure individual freehold tenure. This complicates a prominent critique in agrarian studies that privatization signals the immersion of peripheral lands into neoliberal tenure regimes. The research shows that in southern Morocco, resistance to communal tenure regimes favoring elites was rooted in a discourse of subsistence rights and ethical claims to membership in a just community rather than a simple acquiescence to the power of neoliberal property relations. The dissertation therefore explores the shifting fault lines of social differentiation and the political and cultural embeddedness of land in processes of "repeasantization," the resurgence of rural peasantries in the context of the growing industrialization of global food production. The research draws on cultural anthropology, geography, and political economy to explore an understudied issue in the anthropology of the Middle East and North Africa: the economic and environmental dimensions of agrarian livelihoods and rural social dynamics from a critical theoretical perspective.

This dissertation investigates the ways in which the natural and the social overlap in the symbolic center of human activity, cities. Cities are full of living organisms, existing not in a perfect state of equilibrium but rather in states of constant flux. The cycles of life moving through the city of Cairo, Egypt are dependent on water as a vital component and scarce resource in systems of biological exchange, as well as one among many pieces of infrastructure that the city requires to survive. This dissertation looks at the informal systems that residents of a squatter settlement in Cairo, Egypt called Ezbet Khairallah have created to make life possible, as well as their attempts to get the state to formally provide these services; work that is done at collective scales and in everyday practices. The dissertation also looks at what happens when areas such as Ezba are successful in getting the state to recognize them and institutionalize utility services, what the hidden costs and unintended consequences are of becoming formal end users of state systems. The dissertation provides an overview of the forces at work in shaping Cairo, highlighting the rural to urban migration patterns and shifting urban policy over the course of the 20th century that have funneled so many into informal housing settlements. In addition, the dissertation highlights the particular material history of Ezbet Khairallah, and how that has shaped the social and material circumstances of residents. It examines the material and affective implications of being unable to escape waste, of bodies that bear signs of systems that both make life possible and make life difficult. By studying the institutional framework in which these questions get worked out in Egypt, we can better situate the struggles of those living in the urban margins of the global south, such as those in Ezbet Khairallah. / text

Abstract Turkey has emerged as a major actor in the Middle East over the last decade, since the ruling party AKP came to power in 2002. Turkey is now playing a mediation role in regional conflicts and has been speaking out loudly on sensitive issues such as the Iranian nuclear program and the Palestinian- Israeli conflict. Furthermore, Turkey has established close ties with the Arab world which has suffered the relationship with its long-time ally Israel. This new presence in Middle East has been criticized by Turkey's allies in west. Critics argue that the country is about to abandon its former western relationship and strengthen their ties with the Arab world instead. This thesis has two main purposes. First, an empirical purpose which is to describe and explain changes in Turkish foreign policy towards Middle East. Second, this thesis has a theoretical purpose, aiming to make a contribution to the study field also on a theoretical level. The ambition is therefore to provide with ideas and/or modify the model of Gustavsson in order to make it more applicable of other cases of foreign policy change. The theoretical framework applied on this thesis is Jakob Gustavsson's model for explaining foreign policy change. Turkey's foreign policy change will be analyzed through a qualitative case study that focuses on the country's relations with the Middle East. Based on Gustavsson's model, possible explanations to Turkey's foreign policy change towards Middle East are structural changes in the international and national system. The end of the bipolarity system during the cold war resulted in a major structural change, thus Turkey had to adapt to the new system by hammering out a new foreign policy doctrine. In addition to this, the growing opposition to a Turkish membership within the EU is considered to be another explanation to Turkey's improved relations with the Middle East. The results shows furthermore possible explanations on a national level such as growing economy, a strong Turkish public opinion, new actors and also AKP:s ideological affinity with Muslim aspirations. The Iraq crisis, which arose in 2003 when Turkey rejected a resolution authorizing the deployment of American forces in Turkey in a war against Iraq, functions as a catalysts for the changes in Turkish foreign policy. One of the main components in the model emphasizes that the individual key actor needs to go through a change within its belief system, however the author have not found such evidence in this case and thus suggests that this part of the model becomes slightly modified or even removed. Keywords: Turkey, AKP, Ahmet Davutoglu, Middle East, foreign policy change, zero problems towards neighbors

This thesis is an analysis of the motivations behind U.S. efforts to stop Iran from developing a nuclear weapons program. It argues that U.S. actions must be viewed within a larger context; specifically it must be viewed from the perspective of the overall interests of the U.S. in the Middle East. These interests include ensuring access to Middle Eastern oil, protecting the state of Israel and eliminating security threats, to the U.S. and its allies, especially from terrorist organizations. The thesis examines U.S.-Iran’s relationship over the nuclear issues a historical context, beginning with Eisenhower Administration. It is guided by the insights derived from the realist paradigm in International Relations theory which stresses national interest, defined in terms of power as the major determinant in state behaviour. The study shows that the U.S. was quite supportive of Iran developing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes only when relations between the two states were cordial. However, since the Islamic Revolution of the late 1970s, the relationship has been marked by hostility on both sides, and importantly, by American attempts to contain Iran’s nuclear ambitions, particularly its goal of developing a nuclear weapons program, and the latter’s efforts to circumvent these. An Iran in possession of nuclear weapons is seen as a dangerous threat to Middle Eastern stability and, of course, to U.S. interests in the region.

The present research aims at examining the interaction between transition from centrally planned economies to market based economies and its subsequent effects on populations’ happiness and life satisfaction in Algeria, Egypt and Morocco. It also aims at advising policy makers on how economic policies may affect population’s subjective well-being. It is widely accepted that economic reforms affect individuals’ lives. In contrast, the populations’ values, attitudes and perceptions may also play a major role in the success of these reforms. The first study examines the determinants of happiness and life satisfaction by gender in Algeria and their attitudes and perceptions towards economic policies’ reforms. The survey reports that the female population in Algeria is happier and more satisfied with life than its male counterpart. It has been found that healthier individuals and those in the medium level of income are most likely to be happier and satisfied with their lives. Also, happiness is inversely “U-shaped” in age for the female population contradicting previous studies. Although, both genders believe that rapid market reforms do not have a negative impact on national stability, and are confident with the major companies, privatisation is found to be most likely having a negative effect on the life satisfaction among the male population. The second study examines the changes in the levels of life satisfaction in Egypt and Morocco over the first decade of the present century. It has been found that Egyptian women’ satisfaction with life is “U-shaped” in age, whereas in income that applies only to those at the medium, upper-medium and high levels of income. By contrast, Egyptian men are satisfied at all income levels. In Morocco, unemployed men and women are found to be satisfied with their lives in the beginning of the decade contradicting previous findings. While in the late 2000s, among the employed populations, females and males at the medium and the upper medium levels of income are satisfied, along with the lower level for women and the higher level for men. The third study examines the effect of relative income on individuals’ self-reported life satisfaction, assuming that the individual’s subjective judgement of his or her life satisfaction depends on both absolute and relative incomes. Absolute refers to the individual’s income, relative is the income of others around him or her called a reference group. The findings are that Algerians and Moroccans feel ambitious when self-reporting their levels of life satisfaction and referring their income to others’ income, but Egyptians feel jealous.

This thesis identifies the relationship between economic factors and non-economic factors, and the relative weight of each, in the conduct of Middle East foreign policies but with special reference to Saudi Arabia and Iran between 2001 and 2012. In the Saudi case, economic factors are contextualized within its traditional themes of maintaining security and stability through international alliances and promoting stable and long term energy export markets. In the case of Iran, economic factors such as the role of sanctions in facilitating closer ties with a range of anti-western states are put into perspective by other factors such as national security issues and emerging splits in the decision making elite. The research draws on a conceptual hybrid of constructivism and omni-balancing and by doing so pays particular attention to the perceptions of foreign policy decision makers in their assessments of the domestic, regional and international environments. The conceptual framework therefore accounts for historical events such as the Islamic revolution and perceived hostility to it, and enduring Saudi-Iranian tensions based on sectarian and ideological struggles for dominance across the Middle East. Oil policy, including oil production, pricing and security of supply and demand, is found to be the paramount economic factor in the foreign policies of Saudi Arabia and Iran, but weighted in favour of the former. As swing producer in OPEC, Saudi Arabia needs to maintain sustainable oil supplies to its allies in the West, and increasingly East, whilst leveraging its oil reserves against adversaries such as Iran. In contrast, Iran has the incentive, but a dwindling capability, to maximise its oil revenues to fund the national budget amid tightening U.S.-led sanctions designed to curb its nuclear programme. The thesis also finds that economic factors such as ‘riyal politik’ as well as non-oil trade and investment deals are less effective in Saudi and Iranian foreign policy. This is because they tend to be offered or utilised as short-term leveraging mechanisms in new or unstable bilateral relationships with a variety of state or nonstate actors which do not always share their ideological perspective or interests. To overcome significant geo-strategic and ideological incompatibilities, reciprocal confidence building measures and active engagement on a broad set of contentious issues is prescribed.

Approved for public release, distribution unlimited / Women are potent symbols of identity. They signify a vision of society that identifies a nation. The Middle East provides a perfect example of this. It has one of the highest rates of population growth in the world, yet maintains one of the lowest literacy rates and labor force participation among women. This has a direct impact on their ability to be seen as modern states. Furthermore the Middle East has come under attack for having one of the poorest records of human rights, particularly in reference to women. Contrary to this implication Middle Eastern women have taken extremely active roles in the gender debate and the socio-political struggles within their societies. The results of this participation have yielded a number of different interpretations of what it means to be a feminist and if this title is even something that Muslim women want. It has also created a very complex relationship between the west and western feminism which has deep implications in contemporary gender politics.

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans les débats sur le rôle du régime de change et de la règle de politique monétaire. Elle développe une analyse empirique sur les 17 pays du Moyen-Orient et d'Afrique du Nord (MOAN). A contre-courant de l'idée répandue d'une supériorité des régimes extrêmes, ces pays ont souvent opté en faveur de régimes de change intermédiaires. Ceci soulève deux questions : d'une part, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent ce choix particulier ? D'autre part, comment se situent les performances macroéconomiques qui en résultent ? Dans cette recherche, nous apportons des éléments de réponse sur ces deux interrogations. Le premier chapitre traite de la question du choix du régime de change. Les principaux facteurs que la théorie suggère pour expliquer le choix du régime sont testés empiriquement. L'analyse confirme le rôle des facteurs qui relèvent de l'hypothèse de la peur du flottement. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous évaluons l'impact de ce choix sur la performance en termes d'inflation. L'adoption d'un régime de changes fixe est souvent motivée par la recherche d'une plus grande maîtrise de l'inflation mais l'efficacité de cette stratégie n'est pas garantie. L'analyse empirique indique que la modération de l'inflation est plus liée à la stabilité de facto du taux de change qu'à l'annonce d'un régime de change fixe. L'incidence de la flexibilité du taux de change sur la croissance économique est analysée dans le troisième chapitre. La théorie conventionnelle attribue des propriétés stabilisatrices aux taux de change flexibles mais la variation du taux de change peut être une source de volatilité macroéconomique. La dollarisation des dettes publiques et privées explique la peur du flottement observée dans certains pays du MOAN et réduit la possibilité de recourir à cet instrument. Le quatrième chapitre fournit une évaluation de la politique monétaire et de taux de change dans le cas de la Syrie dans la décennie des années 2000. / This thesis lies within the debate about the role of the exchange rate regime and the monetary policy. It develops an empirical analysis in 17 countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Contrary to the widespread tenet of the superiority of corner regimes, MENA countries have often chosen intermediate regimes. This raises two questions: first what are the reasons for the choice of an intermediate regime? Second how do these countries perform in macroeconomic terms? In this research we bring about material for answering these two questions. The first chapter deals with the choice of the exchange rate regime. We test the main factors suggested by the theory. The empirical analysis confirms the role of factors that are related to the fear of floating hypothesis. In the second chapter we assess the impact on inflation of the choice of an exchange rate regime. The adoption of a fixed exchange rate regime is often motivated by the desire to keep inflation under control, although the success is not guaranteed. The empirical analysis shows that low inflation is rather associated to a de facto stable exchange rate than a formal fixed exchange rate. The third chapter analyses the effect of exchange rate flexibility on growth. The conventional theory states that flexible exchange rates have a stabilizing effect. But an excess in exchange rate volatility may undermine the real macroeconomic performance. In fact the dollarisation of public and private debts generates the fear of floating observed in MENA countries, and reduces the capacity to resort to this instrument. The fourth chapter develops an assessment of monetary and exchange rate policy in Syria in the 2000 decade.

M.A. / The potential for conflict over water can one day become a reality. This so, especially when the world’s population is growing at a phenomenal rate. Regions that are vulnerable to this sort of conflict are semi-arid to arid in character. One can ask the question if conflict over water in these regions is possible. In examining the situation surrounding waterpolitics in two regions, and drawing comparisons, one can shed light on state’s interaction when it comes to the allocation of international water sources. The Middle East has vast experience in international water politics, while countries in Southern Africa seem to be still learning the game of international water politics. Using a framework for analysis, four case studies will be looked at. The Orange and Okavango Rivers are the subjects in Southern Africa where, it seems, cooperation on international water resources is the norm. The Tigris-Euphrates and the Jordan Rivers are considered in the case of the Middle East. Here a much higher level of conflict can be seen. The main reason for this difference in dealing with international water resources in the two regions seems to be the will (or lack thereof) among states to cooperate over water sources. In Southern Africa this will is evident, especially after 1994 when a new democratically elected government came to power in South Africa. In the Middle East, however, the region is still going about international politics in ways reminiscent of the Cold War. The theory of realism helps to explain the situation in this region, where mistrust plays a very big part in the interaction between states. Complex interdependence by contrast characterises the international political interaction between the states in the Southern African region. International and national water projects, in both regions, play a very big role in water politics. In both the regions there seem to be a number of these projects, that contributed to either conflict and/or cooperation between the states. In the Orange River it is the Lesotho Highlands Water Project, a cooperative endeavour between Lesotho and South Africa and in the Okavango Namibia’s Eastern National Water Carrier (ENWC). In the Tigris -Euphrates, Turkey’s Greater Anatolia Project, in the Tigris -Euphrates, is influencing the interaction between the three riparians, and the Jordan River had it’s share of projects in the past, and here Israel’s National Water Carrier had a role to play. / Prof. D.J. Geldenhuys Dr. M.M.E. Schoeman

Traditional historiographies of the Cold War Middle East read into Britain's postwar economic decline a corresponding demise of British regional influence. According to these accounts, the Suez Crisis served to teach Britain new limits to its military capabilities, occasioning a break from independent endeavours to project power in the region. However, the case studies presented in this thesis demonstrate that the Suez Crisis did not mark a precipitous turning point in Britain's political influence in the Middle East in the short- to medium-term. Britain's power in the region rested upon not only its material assets, but other less tangible bases as well. Most importantly, Britain's power in the Middle East during the period examined increasingly included its ability to influence the policies of United States – a country with great resources and an emerging presence in the region.