Depuis 2003, la nouvelle donne politique au Kurdistan irakien a engendré des évolutions sans précédent au niveau régional. L’autonomie grandissante du Kurdistan irakien a fait émerger, dans un Moyen-Orient toujours aussi instable, de nouvelles dynamiques et enjeux géopolitiques. Les pays de la région, et en particulier la Turquie, attachent une grande importance aux relations bilatérales qu’ils entretiennent avec cet Etat embryonnaire. Suite à l'intervention militaire de la coalition américano-britannique en Irak, l'Etat turc a dû redéfinir sa politique étrangère dans la région du Moyen-Orient. Afin de contribuer à l'élaboration d'une analyse critique, nous développerons notre réflexion en deux grands axes. Dans un premier temps, nous analyserons avec une approche historique, les relations bilatérales entre la Turquie et le Kurdistan irakien, afin que nous puissions resituer au mieux les évolutions qui sont en train de se produire actuellement dans la région. Puis, dans un second temps, nous veillerons à apporter une réflexion approfondie sur la question des échanges économiques entre ces deux parties. Nous examinerons les investissements des entreprises turques qui sont faits dans le marché kurde, pour que nous puissions évaluer concrètement le potentiel économique de celles-ci au niveau régional. Dans notre étude, l'analyse de la dimension historique et celle de l'approche économique, nous permettront de mieux comprendre les évolutions et les enjeux qui émanent de cette région. / Since 2003, the new political situation in Iraqi Kurdistan has led to unprecedented developments at the regional level. The growing autonomy of Iraqi Kurdistan has given birth to new dynamics and geopolitical issues in a currently unstable Middle East. The countries of the region, particularly Turkey, attach great importance to bilateral relations with this embryonic state. Following the military intervention led by the coalition of USA and Great Britain in Iraq, the Turkish state has had to redefine its foreign policy in the Middle East. In order to contribute to the development of critical analysis, we develop our thesis in two main areas. Firstly, in order to better situate the developments currently taking place in the region, we analyze the bilateral relations between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan with a historical approach. Secondly, we deal with in detail the question of economic exchanges between the two parties. In order to evaluate effectively the economic potential of Turkish companies at the regional level, we will analyze their investments in the Kurdish market. In our study, the analysis of the historical dimension and the economic approach will allow us to better understand the changes and challenges in the region.

Trois essais sur la région MENA et l'économie informelle. / Informality is a social and economical phenomenon that has huge implications on societies. Over $3.1 trillion annually is lost to tax evasion worldwide (see The Tax Justice Network report). Informality means different things to different people. Sometimes this term is used to describe tax evasion and sometimes to refer to noncompliance with labor or regulations. Whatever definition is used, informality can be a serious problem in some countries, stifling investment, undermining the overall competetiveness of the whole economy and impeding growth. It could also be an important remedy in other countries playing a role as a mechanism of economic adjustment and source of livelihood for the poor and unemployed. Hart [1973] was the first anthropologist to observe, study and coin the word "informal economy" in his research in Accra and today’s literature is largely based on his work. Societies started acknowledging the importance of informality and then eventually economists, sociologists and anthropologists started analyzing its characteristics worldwide. […]

For very long time the Kurdish population have aspired to create their own independent, sovereign and viable state. In 2017, a referendum was held in the Kurdish regions of Iraq, voting for that the Kurdish Regional Government was to become an independent state. This referendum created an extensive debate, particularly on the viability of a Kurdish State. Would an independent Kurdish State be able to become viable, and would a new democratic state in the Middle East bring peace and stability to the region, or only result in yet another devastating conflict in the area? This research will examine this particular debate through a qualitative meta analysis of newspaper articles published in different parts of the world using a state-building perspective. The findings of this research will identify the main arguments supporting and opposing the referendum. Those arguments will be analysed and discussed, as well as potential tendencies within the articles, analysing possible correlations between arguments expressed in the articles and official reactions by the respective states.

Cette thèse s’articule en trois parties. La première vise à comprendre les facteurs contribuant à la continuité de la politique française d’intervention extérieure. Elle met l’accent sur la notion de puissance moyenne, la culture française des droits de l’homme et le lien particulier qui unit Paris à l’Afrique. La seconde partie détaille l’évolution des normes internationales et de la pratique onusienne et cherche à apprécier le rôle joué par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies dans la mise en place de la politique étrangère française. Cette partie intègre une dimension comparative puisqu’elle évoque successivement les politiques américaine, européenne, russe et celles des pays émergents en matière d’intervention extérieure. Ceci permet d’appréhender les spécificités françaises, tant en termes institutionnels qu’en termes de capacités de projection des forces. La dernière partie s’intéresse aux différents terrains d’intervention de l’armée française et permet de qualifier l’action de l’Hexagone de politique d’intervention à géographie variable. Sur le continent africain, les opérations sont généralement conduites unilatéralement, les troupes africaines prenant ensuite progressivement le relai. Au Moyen-Orient, les interventions militaires françaises s’inscrivent au sein de coalitions internationales menées par les Etats-Unis. L’opération Harmattan en Libye fait l’objet d’un chapitre à part. Elle a été initiée par la France et le Royaume-Uni mais conduite dans le cadre de l’OTAN. Cette thèse de doctorat analyse donc une décennie d’engagement de l’armée française à l’étranger et permet de décrypter l’actualité en matière de gestion de crise et de conflictualité. / This thesis is divided into three main parts. The first one underlines the different factors which contribute to the continuity of French politics of military intervention, stressing the notion of middle power, French culture of human rights and the very special link which still unites nowadays Paris to the African continent. The second part examines the evolution of international norms and UN practice and tries to appreciate the part of the Security Council in the establishment of the French foreign policy. This section includes a comparative dimension as it deals with American, European, Russian and emerging countries politics in terms of military interventions. That focus enables to grasp French specific features, both institutional and in terms of military capacities. The last part of this work aims at analyzing the different military fields of the French army during the last decade. In Africa, military operations are often led unilaterally, African troops then taking over gradually. In the Middle East, French military interventions are mostly part of international coalitions led by the United States. "Opération Harmattan" in Libya is addressed in a proper section as it is in between the classical military interventions in Africa and the one we use to observe in the Middle East. Initiated by France and the UK but conducted under NATO leadership, this intervention constitutes a paradigm shift in French, European and Transatlantic security. This thesis thus analyzes a decade of French military engagement and enables to interpret the current events regarding crisis management and conflicts.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo caracterizar as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) como resultantes do processo de desintegração do Império Otomano no quadro definido pela aceleração histórica de acordo com Yves Lacoste. Ela evidencia o processo/projeto balcanizador, ou seja, de divisão territorial em base étnica, do Líbano e do Oriente Médio iniciado com o expansionismo europeu a partir do séc. XIX e a continuidade dada a tal processo pelas modernas geoestratégias israelenses, as quais, com suas rupturas, logram imprimir moto próprio à sua operação na Região. Desta forma, traçamos um painel histórico da evolução do Líbano dentro do quadro de tensões geopolíticas regionais e internacionais, como a queda do Império Otomano, a fundação de Israel e os movimentos nacionalistas árabe e judeu, os refugiados palestinos e as crises no Golfo Árabe-Pérsico (as Guerras do Iraque de 1980 e 1991), que se constituíram em fatores de instabilidade para o território libanês. Assim, as Guerras do Líbano (1975-90) permitiram que o território libanês passasse a servir como campo de batalha para as guerras do Oriente Médio, nas quais se insere as invasões israelenses do Líbano, em 1978 e em 1982, com seus intentos balcanizadores. / This study aims to characterize the Lebanon War (1975-90) as a result of the process of disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in the framework defined by historical acceleration according to Yves Lacoste. It shows the process / project balkanizing, i.e., territorial division based on ethnic, Lebanon and the Middle East started with the European expansion from the Nineteenth century and continuity to this process given by modern geo-strategic Israelis, which, with its ruptures, manage to print their own motto accord to its operation in the region. Thus, we draw a historical overview of developments in Lebanon within the framework of regional and international geopolitical tensions, as the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the founding of Israel and the Arab and Jewish nationalist movements, Palestinian refugees and the crisis in the Gulf Arab Persian (Iraq wars of 1980 and 1991) that formed factors of instability for the Lebanese territory. Thus, the Lebanon War (1975-90) allowed the Lebanese territory passed serve as the battleground for wars in the Middle East, which falls in the Israeli invasions of Lebanon in 1978 and 1982, with its attempts balkanizing.

Por meio de dois artigos, um de revisão bibliográfica e outro de pesquisa empírica, este trabalho busca examinar os impactos para o Egito, e as repercussões para o Oriente Médio, da ascensão da Irmandade Muçulmana ao poder após a deposição de Hosni Mubarak, ditador egípcio durante três décadas. O caso do Egito é o objeto da pesquisa pois exemplifica de forma cristalina como as aberturas democráticas nos países árabe-muçulmanos representam um enorme desafio para essas sociedades. A atuação da Irmandade Muçulmana em um ambiente de liberdade era aguardada por observadores dentro e fora do Oriente Médio pois, como principal movimento adepto do chamado islã político, seu sucesso ou fracasso poderiam indicar a possibilidade de êxito na construção das democracias locais, uma vez que parece inevitável o islamismo, como sinônimo de islã político, ser o primordial beneficiário da ruína dos regimes despóticos que grassam na região. Como base para esta análise, o primeiro artigo busca, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica da história e da ideologia da Irmandade Muçulmana, desde sua fundação, em 1928, as explicações para o comportamento do grupo após a queda de Mubarak. O segundo artigo, por sua vez, estuda a conduta da política externa do Egito e reconstrói a forma como a ditadura de Mubarak desempenhava suas relações exteriores, comparando esta com a política externa do Egito durante o governo de Mohamed Morsi, irmão muçulmano eleito presidente do país em junho de 2012. Por fim, o segundo artigo busca entender os impactos provocados pelo período de governo da Irmandade Muçulmana na política externa do Egito na fase seguinte, após a deposição de Morsi (julho de 2013), em que o país passou a ser liderado pelo marechal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, cujas ações na seara internacional são manifestamente tomadas em oposição não apenas à Irmandade Muçulmana, mas a qualquer elemento que possa ser identificado com o islã político. / Through two articles, a literature review and an empirical analysis, this paper seeks to examine the impacts to Egypt, and the implications for the Middle East, of the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian dictator for three decades. The case of Egypt is the object of research because it exemplifies in a crystalline way how the democratic openings in the Arab-Muslim countries represent a huge challenge for these societies. The performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in a freer environment was expected by observers inside and outside the Middle East because, as the main supporter of the movement called political Islam, its success or failure could indicate the possibility of success in the construction of local democracies, since it seems inevitable that Islamism, as synonymous with political Islam, be the primary beneficiary of the ruin of the despotic regimes that are rife in the region. As a basis for this analysis, the first article seeks, through a literature review of the history and ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, since its founding in 1928, the explanations for the behavior of the group after the fall of Mubarak. The second article, in turn, studies the conduct of foreign policy of Egypt and reconstructs how the dictatorship of Mubarak played its foreign relations, comparing this with the foreign policy of Egypt during the reign of Mohamed Morsi, muslim brother elected president of the country in June 2012. Finally, the second article seeks to understand the impacts caused by the period of government of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt\'s foreign policy in the next stage, after the deposition of Morsi (July 2013), in which the country was led by Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, whose actions in the international arena are clearly taken in opposition not only to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the elements which can be identified with political Islam.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / Thesis advisor: Sarah Babb / This dissertation focuses on the intersection of global and indigenous advocacy strategies in feminist women’s movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). I explore strategies of resistance and innovation in three contexts: (1) Globally, I analyze a sample of MENA NGOs in a transnational women’s rights network, Women’s Learning Partnership (WLP) and their interactions in the international funding sphere; (2) Domestically, I examine a local Moroccan NGO’s strategy development process and their domestic and regional partnerships when organizing to reform the Moudawana (1999-2004); and (3) Regionally, I analyze inter-organizational collaboration and coalition building between three NGOs in the Campaign to Reform Arab Women’s Nationality (2001-2008). I locate the dissertation in a feminist activist framework and draw from diverse data sources, including years of fieldwork with WLP (2004-2008); participant observation and notes from five transnational women’s rights meetings (2005-2008); a content analysis of a sample of international funders’ and MENA feminist NGOs’ websites; and two in-depth case studies with data derived from historical analysis, three months of fieldwork in Morocco, interviews with Moroccan, Lebanese, and regional activists, and secondary document analysis. The findings provide deeper clarity into the strategic action of MENA feminist movements and the variety of social, political, and economic forces that shape their discourses and practices for achieving social change and gender equality. The findings contribute to the scholarly literature on transnational feminism and social movements and its intersection with the law. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology. / Discipline: Psychology.

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar o crescimento da Al Jazeera, a rede de TV árabe que mudou a realidade da imprensa no Oriente Médio e em poucos anos se tornou uma das mais vistas no mundo. A rede de TV foi fundada em 1996 em Doha, Catar, durante um período de grandes mudanças no país. Até o ano anterior, um governo conservador limitava os avanços, mas um golpe de Estado levou ao poder o atual Emir, que começou a promover reformas liberais resultando assim em mudanças significativas ao país. A criação da Al Jazeera era parte de um plano de modernização. Em 2001, o canal árabe ganhou notoriedade quando transmitiu os vídeos de Osama Bin Laden. Desde então, o mundo voltou os olhos para o que estava sendo produzido lá. Em 2006, a emissora lançou um canal em inglês, a fim de mostrar as notícias de uma perspectiva árabe. A pesquisa foi baseada na bibliografia especializada e nos trabalhos teóricos de comunicação que complementam com observações in loco e entrevistas com a equipe da Al Jazeera em Doha. Nesta dissertação, analisam-se o contexto de surgimento da Al Jazerra, a cobertura de algumas guerras e transformações, o surgimento de outros veículos e a criação do canal em inglês com o intuito de compreender o processo de consolidação e expansão dessa rede. / The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the growth of Al Jazeera, the Arabic TV network that changed the reality of media in Middle East and in a couple of years became one of the world most watched station. The TV network was founded in 1996 in Doha, Qatar, during a great changing time in the country. Until last year, a conservative government restricted the progress, but a coup brought to power the current Emir, who began promoting liberal reforms resulting in significant changes to the country. The creation of Al Jazeera was part of a modernization plan. In 2001, the Arabic channel gained notoriety when broadcasted videos of Osama Bin Laden. Since then, the world turned its eyes to what was being produced there. In 2006, the station launched a channel in English, in order to show the news from an Arab perspective. The research was based on specialized literature review and theoretical works which complement with on ground observations and interviews given by Al Jazeeras staff in Doha. In this thesis, we analyze the context of the emergence of Al Jazerra, covering wars and some social transformations, the emergence of other media and creating the channel in English, in order to understand the process of consolidation and expansion of this network.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / This study focuses on Seeds of Peace, a peace education program whose purpose is to bring together teenagers from conflict regions, train them to be future leaders, and promote conflict resolution, reconciliation, and coexistence. The experiences of the Palestinian, Israeli-Jewish, and Israeli-Palestinian participants at the summer camp, during re-entry, and in subsequent years, particularly during the second intifada, are portrayed using qualitative methods. The study also describes and analyzes the Seeds of Peace program from 1993–2004, highlighting the implementation of the follow-up program in the home region. Theories from the field of social psychology, including social identity theory and the contact hypothesis, and literature on peace education interventions conducted in the context of the Israeli - Palestinian conflict, are employed to explain sources of intergroup conflict and models of how they can best be addressed and overcome. Data collection consisted of interviews of participants and staff members, observations of the camp and follow-up program, and written documentation produced by the participants. The participants' journeys were fraught with difficulties, particularly during re-entry and periods of violent conflict. Following the onset of the second intifada, external asymmetric power relations had a greater impact on the functioning of the program and tendencies to revert to previously-held negative attitudes became more pronounced as each group faced increasingly negative messages from their communities regarding the other side. Furthermore, participants grappled with what they referred to as the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) dilemma' as Israeli-Jews approached the age of mandatory military service. However, despite these challenges, according to many of the participants interviewed for this study, contact with the ‘enemy’ group promoted greater understanding of the conflict and its various narratives, humanization of the other side, increased self-concept, and enhanced communication and leadership skills. The use of a mixed model with multiple categorization strategies and a follow-up program enhanced positive outcomes. The findings of this study, presented through a narrative format, should provide many insights into designing and implementing peace education programs between teenagers from groups involved in intractable conflict, particularly during a period characterized by acute violence and a lack of top-down peacemaking initiatives.

Cette thèse étudie la généalogie des représentations culturelles britanniques du Moyen-Orient des années 1850 au début de la Première Guerre mondiale. Nos sources comprendront des tirages photographiques, des récits de voyages et d’exploration, des cartes, des documents topographiques, des archives privées, des articles de presse, des débats parlementaires, des essais, des romans et des documents officiels. À grande échelle, une perspective globale nous permettra d’étudier la construction cartographique de cette partie de l’Orient qui fut baptisée « Moyen-Orient ». Nous démontrerons comment les acteurs de la politique extérieure britannique élaborèrent cette région. À petite échelle, une micro-histoire nous amènera à hauteur d’homme auprès de figures de l’action britannique dans ces territoires de l’Orient, entre Inde et Afrique. Par une étude approfondie de leurs représentations, nous démontrerons que le regard britannique sur cette partie du monde fut pluriel et qu’il évolua considérablement sur quelques décennies. Nous chercherons à établir cette chronologie. Nous relierons aussi les constructions de l’Orient aux idéaux de la société britannique contemporaine, notamment à travers la photographie de ces territoires et leur exploration archéologique. Il nous faudra par ailleurs questionner le rôle des prémisses de la culture de masse dans le dessin des contours de ce territoire éloigné. Le problème de la nature impériale des rapports entre la Grande-Bretagne et le Moyen-Orient en cours d’élaboration nous amènera à souligner le caractère polycentrique et contradictoire des expressions de l’influence britannique sur la région. / This dissertation explores the genealogy of the cultural representations of the Middle-East from the 1850’s to the beginning of the First World War. To this end, I will analyze a wide range of documents. My primary sources will include photographic prints, travelogues, maps, topographical documents, private papers, press articles, parliamentary debates, essays, novels and official papers. On a large scale, an overall perspective will enable me to study the cartographic manufacture of the part of the Orient that was christened « Middle East ». I will assess to what extent the actors of British foreign policy gradually drew this region. On a much smaller scale, a micro-history will bring me at man's height, close to figures of British involvement in these territories, in-between India and Africa. By way of careful study of their representations, I will demonstrate that the British gaze on this part of the world was far from being hieratic and that it evolved within the span of a few decades. I will look to specify this chronology. I will also establish links between these constructions of the East and the ideals of contemporary British society, especially through the study of photographic representation of these territories, as well as the analysis of their archaeological exploration. I will have to question the part played by early mass culture in designing this distant territory. The issue raised by the potential imperial nature of British involvement in this Middle-East to be will call for an appraisal of the polycentric and contradicting expressions of British influence in the region.