This dissertation explores the role played by Kurdish theatre in the Kurdish national struggle in Iraq especially between 1975 and 1991. First, it traces the development of Kurdish theatre, within the socio-political context in Iraqi Kurdistan, from its emergence in the 1920s to the defeat of the Kurdish nationalist movement and the fall of the Kurdistan region under the direct Baath rule in 1975. It will then explore the Kurdish resistance theatre during the Baath rule and will analyse the representation of Kurdish nationalist identity in four dramas produced during the Baath rule between 1975 and 1991. By analysing the nationalist themes in the works of Ehmed Salar and Telet Saman, two prominent playwrights and directors of the late 1970s and the duration of the 1980s, I will argue that despite strict censorship during most of this period, theatre played a critical role in the Kurdish national struggle by staging Kurdish history, mythology, folklore, and re-enacting oppressed histories. Along with the thematic analysis of representative dramatic texts from the period and interviews with Kurdish theatre artists, this research draws on Kurdish theatre histories, historical documents, and journalistic accounts, to reveal how theatre participated in the Kurdish national struggle and how it responded to political changes in different historical periods.

This dissertation considers corruption and education in Iraqi Kurdistan. The sample comes from survey interviews conducted at nineteen universities in the three Kurdistan cities of Duhok, Erbil and Sulaymaniyah. The survey was administered between May and July of 2017. The survey focuses on couple areas: students’ basic demographic information as well as characteristics associated with their personal education such as GPA and field of study; perceptions regarding the quality of education in Kurdistan, not only at the university level but in an individual’s schooling at lower levels; the quality of the Iraqi Kurdistan government, including the prevalence of different types of corruption; and students’ expectations for their future prospects, including their expectation of receiving a high ranking government job. 957 surveys were completed. In Chapter 1, we consider corruption in Iraqi Kurdistan from university students perspectives. We provide three sets of results. The first shows how perceptions of corruption differ across different demographic characteristics. A second set looks at how corruption differs based on one’s city. A final set of results considers how perceptions of corruption differ across political parties. Our results suggest that corruption perceptions do not vary across most individual characteristics as few strong associations are uncovered. Family income is an exception with higher income families reporting greater incidences of corruption. Students, however, living in different cities do report different levels of corruption. One possibility is that corruption is more prevalent in Duhok and so attention at diminishing corruption should focus there. We also find that students not belonging to any political party report lower levels of corruption. Chapter 2, we examine associations between corruption and measures of educational quality but take a different approach than do others in this literature. I use a sample of university students and examine how their views of corruption within society relate to their perceptions of the quality of education they have received. The quality of education (QEDUC) measure is constructed similarly to the quality of education component of the human capital index from World Economic Forum (2013). The quality of education has five criteria: internet access in schools, quality of the education system in meeting the needs of a competitive economy; quality of primary schools; quality of math and science education; and administrative quality of schools. I use this index since it encompasses a wide variety of characteristics of the education system. We found that Internet access is strongly associated with corruption. The other aspect of educational quality most strongly associated with corruption is the extent to which education prepares one for a competitive economy. Although students do not generally associate corruption with specific components of their education like math or primary school, they do believe that corruption is impacting how well they educational system is preparing them beyond their days as students. Finally, in chapter 3, we consider to what extent self-reported political affiliation matters for expectations of university students in Iraqi Kurdistan anticipating public sector employment. The sample data was gathered from students I interviewed at nineteen universities in the Kurdish cities of Duhok, Erbil and Sulaymaniyah. The survey was administered between May and July of 2017.The survey focuses on four areas: students’ basic demographic information as well as characteristics associated with their personal education such as GPA and field of study; perceptions regarding the quality of education in Kurdistan, not only at the university level but in an individual’s schooling at lower levels; the quality of the Iraqi Kurdistan government, including the prevalence of different types of corruption; and students’ expectations for their future prospects, including their expectation of receiving a high ranking government job. 957 surveys were completed. We find that party affiliation appears to influence one’s expectation of obtaining a good government job after graduating. As long as party affiliation does not correlate with attributes that increase productivity in public employment, then party affiliation is a characteristic not based on merit. the specific party to which one is affiliated does not seem to matter as much. The PDK is the largest party in the KRI but students in smaller parties such as the PKK are more likely to believe that they will find good public-sector jobs (although less can be said about members of the Goran Party). Nevertheless, we hope that these findings provide at least a first approach as to what extent party affiliation could matter in hiring.

In 1991, following its defeat in the Second Gulf War and as a response to the international humanitarian protectionist umbrella provided to the three Kurdish-population governorates in Northern Iraq, the Government of Iraq (GOI) under Saddam Hussein centrally seceded from the area. The vacuum that ensued was soon filled by the leadership of the Iraqi Kurdistan Front (KNA) and soon a de facto state resurrected from the ashes of destruction besieging Iraqi Kurdistan for many decades. Hence, the precarious existence of what came to be known as the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) in a highly challenging geopolitical environment and the strategic imperative of preserving the de facto independence of the entity forced the Kurdish leadership to give high priority to building foreign relations and pursuit of foreign policy. Foreign policy as a political activity is of paramount importance to all actors including sovereign states to preserve and promote their national interests. The practice of foreign policy, however, is particularly acute for de facto states. As internationally non-recognized entities, the international system of sovereign states is often skeptical if not hostile to engage in foreign relations with de facto states. Yet, projection of foreign policy and building foreign relations is extremely vital for the continued survival and consolidation of de facto states. By exploring the case of the KRI as a case of de facto statehood, this research argues that, mutatis mutandis, de facto states can pursue independent foreign policies. By identifying major transitions in the KRI, this thesis seeks to better explain foreign policy determinants, objectives and instruments of implementation of foreign policies of the KRI. In doing so, this thesis further seeks to contribute to the analysis of de facto statehood in general, and to contribute to the study of the KRI as the case of de facto statehood in the Middle East region.

Reforming the education system to reflect a new vision of society is part of many peacebuilding efforts in post-conflict societies. Accordingly, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is currently implementing a wide range of reforms in the education system in Iraqi Kurdistan. This research is a qualitative study of the KRG’s efforts to implement a peace education curriculum. It uses critical discourse analysis to investigate the Human Rights Education (HRE) textbooks content for Grades 5 and 7 (ages 11 and 13) and the History Education (HE) textbooks content for Grades 5, 6, 7 and 8 (age 11 to 14). The study also focuses on the policy and strategies of the Ministry of Education (ME) in implementing these subjects; the teaching methods used; and how effectively the knowledge, values and skills involved have been disseminated. The approach adopted by the ME to peace education is top down and experiences significant resistance from teachers and parents. Moreover, the curriculum reforms lacked consideration of the hidden and null curricula. The research highlights how HRE contents are primarily focused on cognitive development of awareness of rights and responsibilities rather than acquiring social skills and a critical approach, and that the content was not contextualised to the reality of Iraqi Kurdistan. Furthermore, the research found that the HE curriculum focuses on the history of Iraq, Kurdistan and Islamic history and presents a message that glorifies war; it is not open to different narratives or interpretations and does not foster critical debate or an enquiry-based approach. The curriculum contents included concepts and statements that appear to instigate violence and build divisions between Muslims and non-Muslims. Despite the achievements of the ME in improving the education system there are many challenges such as weak infrastructure, lack of professional development and resistance through the wider cultural context. The methods of teaching are what Freire terms the ‘banking system’, authoritarian and not learner-centred, which largely reflects the social fabric of Kurdish society. The research identified many challenges facing teachers including the level of their commitment, skills, specialization and capacity-building. However, it also found positive support for HRE among students and teachers.

Depuis 2003, la nouvelle donne politique au Kurdistan irakien a engendré des évolutions sans précédent au niveau régional. L’autonomie grandissante du Kurdistan irakien a fait émerger, dans un Moyen-Orient toujours aussi instable, de nouvelles dynamiques et enjeux géopolitiques. Les pays de la région, et en particulier la Turquie, attachent une grande importance aux relations bilatérales qu’ils entretiennent avec cet Etat embryonnaire. Suite à l'intervention militaire de la coalition américano-britannique en Irak, l'Etat turc a dû redéfinir sa politique étrangère dans la région du Moyen-Orient. Afin de contribuer à l'élaboration d'une analyse critique, nous développerons notre réflexion en deux grands axes. Dans un premier temps, nous analyserons avec une approche historique, les relations bilatérales entre la Turquie et le Kurdistan irakien, afin que nous puissions resituer au mieux les évolutions qui sont en train de se produire actuellement dans la région. Puis, dans un second temps, nous veillerons à apporter une réflexion approfondie sur la question des échanges économiques entre ces deux parties. Nous examinerons les investissements des entreprises turques qui sont faits dans le marché kurde, pour que nous puissions évaluer concrètement le potentiel économique de celles-ci au niveau régional. Dans notre étude, l'analyse de la dimension historique et celle de l'approche économique, nous permettront de mieux comprendre les évolutions et les enjeux qui émanent de cette région. / Since 2003, the new political situation in Iraqi Kurdistan has led to unprecedented developments at the regional level. The growing autonomy of Iraqi Kurdistan has given birth to new dynamics and geopolitical issues in a currently unstable Middle East. The countries of the region, particularly Turkey, attach great importance to bilateral relations with this embryonic state. Following the military intervention led by the coalition of USA and Great Britain in Iraq, the Turkish state has had to redefine its foreign policy in the Middle East. In order to contribute to the development of critical analysis, we develop our thesis in two main areas. Firstly, in order to better situate the developments currently taking place in the region, we analyze the bilateral relations between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan with a historical approach. Secondly, we deal with in detail the question of economic exchanges between the two parties. In order to evaluate effectively the economic potential of Turkish companies at the regional level, we will analyze their investments in the Kurdish market. In our study, the analysis of the historical dimension and the economic approach will allow us to better understand the changes and challenges in the region.

<p>The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö’s and Pegg’s theories. It’s an interesting case as it’s included in one of the most sensitive geo political areas in the world. The Kuwait war 1990 and the Second Gulf war 1991 were the incentive to Iraqi Kurdistan as a quasi state and the US invasion of Iraq 2003 was the incentive to the end of it. In conclusion the case verify the theories and the theories promote the understanding of Iraqi Kurdistan’s period as a quasi state. The goal of the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan was to become a federal state in a federal Iraq and it succeeded.</p>

The aim of this political scientist paper is to describe and analyze the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan 1992-2006 using the theory of Kolstö about how and why quasi states develops and the theory of Pegg regarding how the international society deal with quasi states. A qualitative case method is used. In the study the two theories are combined. Iraqi Kurdistan is used as a case to study to confirm Kolstö’s and Pegg’s theories. It’s an interesting case as it’s included in one of the most sensitive geo political areas in the world. The Kuwait war 1990 and the Second Gulf war 1991 were the incentive to Iraqi Kurdistan as a quasi state and the US invasion of Iraq 2003 was the incentive to the end of it. In conclusion the case verify the theories and the theories promote the understanding of Iraqi Kurdistan’s period as a quasi state. The goal of the quasi state Iraqi Kurdistan was to become a federal state in a federal Iraq and it succeeded.

En 1991, suite à la fin de la deuxième guerre du Golfe, un État de facto a été établi au Kurdistan irakien. Cette mutation d’un acteur contestataire kurde en un État de facto s’est avérée un gain sans précédent pour le « mouvement nationaliste kurde ». Néanmoins, malgré son importance historique, ce gain d’autonomie ne permit pas pour autant de dépasser les divisions présentes au sein du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Ce mémoire tente ainsi de comprendre les raisons du maintien de ces divisions. L’hypothèse proposée est que la raison pour laquelle la création d’un État de facto kurde en Irak n’a pas permis de dépasser les divisions du mouvement nationaliste est que ce dernier a poursuivi un projet de construction étatique similaire aux États de facto. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, la recherche fait le lien entre la littérature sur les États de facto, le comportement du Kurdistan irakien et les divisions du mouvement nationaliste kurde. La recherche démontre dans un premier temps que la poursuite d’un projet de construction étatique a amené le Kurdistan irakien à prioriser sa légitimation interne plutôt que l’unité du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Elle démontre dans un deuxième temps qu’afin de réaliser ce projet, le Kurdistan irakien a employé des stratégies externes qui ont nui au reste du mouvement nationaliste kurde. / In 1991, following the end of the Second Gulf War, a de facto state has been established in Iraqi Kurdistan. This transformation of a protest actor into a de facto state has been an unprecedented gain for the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». However, despite his historic importance, this gain has failed to overtake divisions within the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis attempts to identity the reasons why the divisions have not faded away. The assumption is that the reason why these divisions have not been overtaken is because Iraqi Kurdistan has pursued a state-building project similar to those of de facto states. To test this hypothesis, this research links de facto state’s literature, Iraqi Kurdistan behaviour and the divisions of the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis first demonstrate that this project has led Iraqi Kurdistan to establish other priorities that the « Kurdish nationalist movement » unity. It then shows that to realize this state-building project, Iraqi Kurdistan has used external strategies that have affected the rest of the movement.

Experiences of teachers in SFI, Swedish for (adult) Immigrants, indicate that during their schooling earlier in life, SFI students have developed skills, abilities, values, ideas and expectations about teaching and learning that differ somewhat from the prevailing communicative oriented theory of second language teaching which is emphasized in SFI. In the thesis these aspects are referred to as different school cultural frames of reference. The aim of the thesis is to generate knowledge about SFI-students’ school cultural frames of reference of relevance for SFI teaching. The considerable number of immigrants from Iraqi Kurdistan during the 1990s has led to an empirical focus related to this geographical area. From a critical perspective, in some respects a research interest of this kind can be seen as contributing to a division between ‘us’ and ‘them’, in a wider sense a part of exclusion and a maintenance of the segregated Swedish society. In a special section is given an account of this research ethic question, together with arguments from intercultural pedagogy that support a focus on school cultural frames of reference. The theoretical platform for the thesis is sociocultural theory. The concepts of social representations, pedagogical code, classification, framing, power distance, diaspora and distinctions of knowledge also are used. The thesis is based on two data materials. The first consists of data from interviews and talks with students and teachers in SFI, all from Iraqi Kurdistan. The second consists of data gathered through observations, classroom observations, interviews and talks during two visits in the KDP-administrated region of Iraqi Kurdistan, each visit being for a period of about one month. This data material also includes text materials, mainly textbooks in EFL for grade five and six, and course books about EFL teaching used in teacher education. The thesis illuminates several aspects that provide an understanding as to why SFI students from Iraqi Kurdistan can have certain abilities, values, ideas and expectations about teaching, learning materials, learning, teacher and student roles that differ from the communicative oriented second language teaching emphasized in SFI. However, results from the study also underline the importance of a ‘weak’ use of this understanding in a SFI teaching context.

This is an ethnographic study that focuses on Zahmanê Êzîdîa Li Dalarna, the Yezidi cemetery, in Borlänge. The Swedish town of Borlänge has one of the largest Yezidi diaspora communities in Western Europe; a majority emigrated from the Northern Iraqi region of Sheikhan during the 1990s and early 2000s. The overall aim of this project is to investigate how the Yezidi community in Borlänge puts Zahmanê Êzîdîa Li Dalarna into use, the meanings ascribed to the site by individual interviewees, and how these relate to ritual places and practices in Sheikhan. The empirical material stems from observations and interviews among members of three extended Yezidi families in Borlänge and in Sheikhan, and archival material from the Church of Sweden. Fieldwork in Sheikhan focused on the valley of Lalish and the cemetery sites in the Yezidi villages in Sheikhan. The empirical material is presented, analysed and discussed through a theoretical framework of place, creation and maintenance of social memory through ritual practice, and the concept of transfer of ritual. The empirical material reveals that salient ritual actions and elements from ceremonies in Lalish and the Yezidi villages in Sheikhan are transferred to Borlänge, and there put into use for ritual practices and for creating and maintaining a collective identity outside of Iraq.