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以、阿問題是一長久、複雜的歷史問題。自四十年代至七十年代，衝突的持續除了造成中東地區內各國傷亡以及軍事、經濟上的損失外，更一度幾乎引發美、蘇之間的緊張與對立。此一時期，美國歷任總統均企圖解決以、阿衝突，締造以、阿和平；但是因為美國對以色列戰略關係的考量，並由於以、阿問題牽涉的範圍與層面過於複雜，締造以、阿全面和平的目標遂在種種限制的情形下予以縮減，因此達成了以、埃和平。以、埃和約的締結雖然防止了中東地 區再度爆發大戰的可能性，但是八十年代雷根政府任內，美國因為在黎巴嫩失敗的挫折，逐漸對以、阿衝突的議題傾向疏離的態度。此時，此一議題以不復是美國政策中的優先考慮，以、阿和平進程也進入遲滯階段，形成一種不戰、 不和(no war, no peace)的狀態。和平的遲滯直至八十年代末期才出現轉機。一九八七年年底佔 領區巴勒斯坦人暴動事件(Intifada; Palestinian Uprising)的爆發使久 遭忽視的以、阿 議題再度獲得世人關注，並創造了必須解決以，阿問題的迫切性；布希政府的政策走向，以及九十年代初期波斯灣戰爭以後的形勢，均提供以、阿雙方解決衝突的契機；因此在美國的主導下，衝突相關各國於一九九一年年底於馬德里參加中東和會，展開雙邊的直接談判。由於以、阿雙方的不信任並非一夕可以破解，因此和會的進展並不順利。歷經數年的折衝與妥協，以、約和平與以、 巴和平已有長足的進展；以、敘之間的談判也見有突破，以、阿和平進程發展至今已到達關鍵性的階段（一九九六年以色列與巴人自治當局將針對佔領區的歸屬與最終地位展開談判）； 然而以哈瑪斯(Hamas)組織為主的激進派系為阻撓和平進程，對以色列發動一連串恐怖暴力事件，特別是一九九六年二月底至三月間密集的自殺式攻擊，除引起以色列人民對和平進程產生不滿與質疑外，此種情勢也已對以色列總理裴瑞斯欲角逐下一任總理的目標構成嚴重的挑戰。裴瑞斯能否順利當選實攸關中東和平的進程；若由主張安全至上、拒絕讓地 謀和、反對巴人建國的納坦雅胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)當選，和平進程恐 將增添不利之變數。 就本論文結構而言，分為六章十八節，茲摘述如下： 第一章：緒論。概述研究動機、目的、方法、架構、與限制。 第二章：以、阿衝突的源起。針對錫安主義(Zionism)的興起、英國在第二次世界大戰前之政策、以色列建國、到蘇伊士運河危機等事件，作背景的陳述與解釋。 第三章：美國的中東政策：1967-1988年。以美國歷任總統（自詹森時期到雷根時期）對中東和平的政策與努力為主，描述其態度與作法、成就與限制。 第四章：中東和會形成背景之探討。以三個因素解釋中東和會的成因： （一）國際環境的轉變與布希時期的政策。 （二）波斯灣戰爭的影響及衝突相關各國態度的轉變。 （三）佔領區巴人暴動事件的影響。 第五章：中東和會的經過與發展。探討中東和會前十輪談判的經過、以、巴奧斯陸祕密談判與以、巴自治協議實行的現況。 重心置於以、巴談判的進展，也附帶介紹以色列與約旦、敘利亞之間的和平進展。 第六章：結論。就論文作一總結，並提出研究心得。

This thesis attempts to examine the Middle East reaction to the Post Cold War China growth. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union created a vacuum in the Middle East, and a new balance of power. China adjusted to the new situation, trying to enter to the vacuum created by the Soviets. This thesis examines the relations between the two most influential states in the Middle East, Israel, Iran, and China from a Middle Eastern perspective. The thesis focuses on economic relations, energy relations, and weapon relations. It will also looks for the benefits of the Middle East countries from the emergence of China and the growing influence and involvement of China in regional affairs.

<p>The world economy is in a transition period never experienced before, One of the main realising factors, boosting economy growth, is the catch up of many emerging countries. The emerging countries impose new competitive dimensions to the global economy, forcing well established multinational corporations into new competitive situations, brining both opportunities and threats.</p><p>The construction equipment industry has entered a condition of unprecedented growth. The total market demand has increased significantly and the demand development is prospected to continue for many more years. To keep up with the market demand and the sales opportunities, it is important to have machines available in the market. This impose that the logistic strategy is getting more important for companies in order to keep up with the prospected sales opportunities.</p><p>This Masters thesis is initiated by our case company, Volvo Construction Equipment International, currently suffering from an inefficient logistics strategy constraining international growth.</p><p>Based on our analysis and conclusion, Volvo Construction Equipment is recommended to move from transaction selling, spot market like international logistics strategy towards a relationship marketing based logistics strategy establishing in-depth collaborations with key account shipping suppliers. Furthermore, we recommend that Volvo CE should consider a logistics management function in order to facilitate the inter-organizational flow of logistics information.</p>

<p>This is a case study on the functioning of political parties and the aim was to explain “how” and “why” the Swedish social democratic party changed their policies in the Middle East politics. I wanted to explain this process of change by using Angelo Panebianco’s framework for the analysis of political parties. Angelo Panebianco´s hypothesis is that all parties must be viewed as organizations to understand their functions. With time they become more institutionalized and depending on their historic development they will end up as more or less institutionalized. If this change showed that the social democratic party acted as a bureaucratic and institutionalized organization, Panebianco’s organizational theory would explain the change of their Middle East politics. In my case study I have used a qualitative analysis of the content to interpret my material of measuring parties’ institutionalization level as “high” or “low” within the two different areas; organizational dilemmas and the dominant coalition. My conclusion is that the social democratic party has indications both of a “high” institutionalized organization and as a “low” institutionalized organization, still they have a relatively dominant coalition. My study demonstrates that Angelo Panebianco´s organizational theory can not fully explain “how” and “why” the Social democratic party changed their Middle East politics.</p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to examine how the size of the Egyptian state has developed during the last three decades. The questions that I will try to answer during the paper are following: Has the Egyptian state contracted the last three decades? Can I based on the result of the study draw some conclusions about if the states dominant position in the society has been reduced? The theory and the method are built on the theoretical framework of the authoritarian state. The modern authoritarian state bases its dominant role in the society on a large centralized and hierarchical bureaucracy. This composes the main theoretical assumption that the method is based on. The method is built on the operationalization of four indicators that examine the size of the state. The conclusion of the first question is that the Egyptian state can be said both has contracted and maintained status quo, and the conclusion of the second question is that the states ability to dominate the society still is big, this assumption is mostly based on the high rate of employment in the public sector witch creates the foundation of the large bureaucracy.</p>

<p>I have conducted a survey of the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003 and focused on how the sanctions were implemented and how economic sanctions work in practice. In particular, I have researched the objectives the United Nations had for implementing economic punishment on Iraq, how they came into use and the outcome of it in brief.</p><p>As for the million-dollar question: Were the economic sanctions on Iraq efficient and did they “work”? My opinion stands clear that economic sanctions can work in the future. The sanction policy faced major problems in Iraq, but it also disarmed the Iraqi dictator and gave more autonomous power for the Kurds in the north. They did not “work” as the world community had expected, but no one knows what the outcome would have been if the United Nations had not reacted with such determination as they did in this matter. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is my personal wish that economic sanctions can be used in the future, as an alternative to open war, but with a lower cost in terms of civilian lives.</p>

Wasser ist rar im Nahen Osten. Die knappe Ressource wird immer häufiger zum Gegenstand politischer Konflikte in der ohnehin instabilen Region. Der Konflikt zwischen Israel und Palästina gilt als eines der gravierendsten Beispiele für diese Entwicklung: Wasser als umkämpftes Menschenrecht, Wasser als strategisches Mittel der Besetzungspolitik und Wasser als Gegenstand langwieriger Verhandlungen. Der Wasserkonflikt ist so alt wie der Nahostkonflikt selbst. Sogar mit Beginn des Oslo-Prozesses 1993 hat es weder einen grundlegenden Wandel im Wasserkonflikt, noch in der Aussicht auf Veränderung der Wasserknappheit gegeben. Immerhin können die Palästinenser in der momentanen Situation ihre eigene Wasserversorgung dort selbst verwalten, wo es ihnen laut der Übereinkünfte erlaubt ist. Jedoch ist diese Freiheit eine sehr begrenzte und eine endgültige Klärung dieses Streitpunktes wurde, zusammen mit Jerusalem, den Flüchtlingen, den Siedlungen und der Staatsbildung auf die Endstatusverhandlungen verschoben. Chadi Bahouth, Absolvent des Otto-Suhr-Instituts der Freien Universität Berlin, untersucht in seiner Doktorarbeit die Gründe für die ungelöste Wasserfrage. Er analysiert die historische und rechtliche Chronologie des Konfliktes, bietet Lösungsvorschläge für die Wasserkrise an und erklärt, warum die Region dennoch für Generationen nicht zur Ruhe kommen wird. / Water is rare at the Middle East and becomes more and more a matter of political conflicts in the already instable region. The conflict between Israel and Palestine is a serious noticeable example of this development: water as a hard-fought human right, water as a strategic mean of the politics of occupation and water as a matter of protracted negotiations. The battles for water are as old as the Middle East conflict itself. Even with the beginning of the Oslo-Process in 1993 there has not been a fundamental change containing the water conflict. After all, the Palestinians in the actual situation can administrate their own water supply, where they are allowed to concern the accords. But this freedom is strictly confined and a clarification of the controversial subject, together with Jerusalem, the refugees, the settlements and the building of the state were adjusted to the negotiations of the permanent status. Chadi Bahouth, alumnus of the Otto-Suhr-Institute (Free University Berlin), inspects in his doctoral thesis the reasons for the unsolved water politics. He analyses the historical and judicial chronology of the conflict, offers proposals for solution and explains, why the region will not be steadied for generations, nevertheless.

Der dritte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher befasst sich mit gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen im konfliktreichen Nahen Osten. Die Zusammenstellung der Texte erfolgte sowohl mit Blick auf die anhaltende Kulturkreisdiskussion als auch hinsichtlich der Bemühungen um Stabilität in dieser Region. Hinzu kommen Analysen zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung und den politischen Regimes in Israel, Palästina, Ägypten, im Jemen und Iran. Auszüge aus Verfassungen arabischer Staaten, statistische Angaben und eine Bibliographie vervollständigen das Textbuch.

Die vier Buchrezensionenum die Islamische Republik Iran spiegeln die ganze Bandbreite des Dilemmas im Umgang mit dem politisch gewichtigsten und auch umstrittensten Land im Nahen Osten wider. Sie zeigen die tiefe Spaltung, die in der Publizistik gegenüber diesem Land existiert; sei es in der Presse oder Fachliteratur.