一九七八年以前，美國將伊朗視為波斯灣內部最安定，立場最堅定的盟邦，因此卡特 政府上台後，繼承歷來美國支持伊王巴勒維的政策，對其軍援經援不遺餘力，務期伊 朗成為美國推行其中東政策的代理人。但一九七八年伊朗回教革命爆發之後，伊朗政 局在一年之內急轉直下，先是伊王巴勒維數度更易內閣，企圖挽救政權失敗，終於在 內外交加的壓力中黯然去國，隨後他所任命的白泰爾內閣亦遭回教領袖何梅尼推翻， 導致伊朗陷入如火如荼的宗教狂熱之中，此後情況演變再非美國所能掌握。 一九七九年十一月，效忠何梅尼的一群伊朗學生突然佔據了駐德黑蘭的美國大使館， 並劫持了六十二名美國館員作為人質，以交換正在紐約就醫的被黜國王巴勒維。德黑 蘭人質事件最後雖在繼任的雷根政府多方努力下獲得解決，但對美國而言，顯然人質 事件是一次失敗的演出。本論文除對上述情形作一般性的描述外，並試圖探討美國在 處理伊朗人質危機過程中所犯的若干錯誤。 本文共壹冊，分為五章共十七節，約七萬餘字。除第一章緒論介紹研究目的、研究方 法及資料評介外，第二章介紹一九七八年伊朗回教革命的歷史背景，並簡單回顧回教 領袖何梅尼取得政權前後的伊朗政情。第三章描述德黑蘭人質危機事件始末，並分析 卡特政府中高級幕僚對解決人質問題的兩種不同觀點，及卡特如何在一連串外交失敗 和即將來臨的競選壓力下採取強硬路線，決定武力救人而終於失敗之經過。第四章將 美國與伊朗的關係及蘇聯與伊朗的關係作一歷史性回溯，並探討伊朗在美蘇對峙中的 戰略地位，從而解釋美國處理人質事件的基本限制。第五章則對美國處理伊朗人質問 題程試作一評析及結論。

This thesis attempts to examine the Middle East reaction to the Post Cold War China growth. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union created a vacuum in the Middle East, and a new balance of power. China adjusted to the new situation, trying to enter to the vacuum created by the Soviets. This thesis examines the relations between the two most influential states in the Middle East, Israel, Iran, and China from a Middle Eastern perspective. The thesis focuses on economic relations, energy relations, and weapon relations. It will also looks for the benefits of the Middle East countries from the emergence of China and the growing influence and involvement of China in regional affairs.

自2002年秘密運作的核能設施曝光後，伊朗的核能政策一直是國際爭點且令人費解。若要討論伊朗核能政策是如何產出及其未來的走勢，本文認為伊朗本身的動機才是決定核能政策的關鍵。 本文以「個人－國內政治－國際政治」三層次作為分析架構，首先討論核能政策的發展歷程及其對伊朗的意義；其次分析伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei及伊朗政治派系如何影響核能政策；最後聚焦於2009年綠色運動後至2015年JCPOA簽訂這段期間，伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei與核能政策演變的關係。 本文發現伊朗的政治菁英對核能政策有高度共識，認為發展核能政策代表著實踐伊朗的大國意識與民族尊嚴、經濟與能源多元化的自主發展以及安全上的保障。另外，從政治派系角度出發，核能政策也被視為派系鬥爭中的槓桿，是政治菁英獲得權力的工具。同時，基於伊朗特殊的政治體制－－教法學家體系，最高宗教領袖Khamenei為伊朗權力體系中的第一人，其態度與政治取向決定了核能政策的走向。而在最高宗教領袖Khamenei決定核能政策的走向時，其必須將國內外政經局勢納入考量，並時時權衡當前的局勢是否會影響其作為最高宗教領袖的合法性。本文認為，若能繼續對最高宗教領袖Khamenei加以觀察，並分析其與國內政治派系的互動，將有助於未來對伊朗核能政策的了解並對伊朗政治帶來更全面的研究。

俄羅斯防擴散政策:伊朗核危機的戰略和經濟因素析 (2002-2010) The goal for this master thesis is to estimate the effectiveness of Russian non-proliferation policy during the nuclear crisis of Iran and explore the main factors (economic or strategic), that influence Russian policy in this dimension.

本文題為俄羅斯與中國對伊朗核問題立場之比較研究。本文藉由「外交決策」理論，以及「政治系統論」和「層次分析法」，研究從俄羅斯的外交決策模式、國內外因素，探究俄羅斯對伊朗核問題之立場，以及，從中國的外交決策模式、國內外因素，探究中國對伊朗核問題之立場。最後，再比較俄羅斯與中國的外交決策模式、國內外因素，以及兩國的政策產出－伊朗核問題之立場，進行比較分析俄中對伊朗核問題立場和政策的異同之處為本文之研究目的。 在國際處理伊朗核問題的進程中，俄羅斯、中國對於伊朗核問題的立場可謂大致相同，他們皆主張「以外交手段進行和平談判」的立場。然而，不同的是俄中在決策過程中的背後動機與各自盤算的國家利益。俄羅斯採取「平衡政策」(balancing policy)，以伊朗為談判籌碼，換取美國釋出更多利多；而中國則是採取「拖延與削弱策略」(delay-and-weaken strategy)，以維護在伊朗的各項利益。 / This paper is a comparative study about the positon of Russia and China on the Iranian nuclear issue. We use the approach of “foreign policy decision making”, “political system theory” and “analytic hierarchy process” to study the formation of Russian and China’s foreign policy decision making, the factors that affect the policy decision making process, the stand of Russia and China toward the Iran’s nuclear issue, and finally, we compare the defference of those two countries. On the issue of Iran’s nuclear, Russia and China take approximately the same attitude.Both of them advocate that every one should take peace negotiations instead of sanctions. The differences between Russian and China’s foreign policy decision making is that Russia trys to use the balancing policy, and takes advantage of Iran’s nuclear issue, making the U.S. to release more benefits for Russia,while China takes the delay-and-weaken strategy, making effort to protect their benefits in Iran.

伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後，穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係，說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位，實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結，從而影響女性地位的說法，試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史（1953-1989）中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述，商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。 巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志，並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林，利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中，為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展，要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。 左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati，以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人，分別以「中西毒」概念，聖女法蒂瑪形象，以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念，批判時下盲目西化的人們，藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀，與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計，他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。 經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳，何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」，其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者，配合精神聖戰的呼籲，扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制，將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止，皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。 本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析，並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言？」此提問的重點，探視伊朗革命的發生，與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡，由宗教角度的分析，能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述，使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。 / The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic（1953-1989）to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition. Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization. Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam. Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious. In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers.

伊朗伊斯蘭共和國為中東地區主要國家之一。自1957年與美國合作發展核能以來，除了在柯梅尼政權初期曾短暫中斷外，歷任的領導人皆大力支持核科技的發展。從近年來的發現，顯示伊朗正在持續進行某些秘密的核計畫，使得國際憂心伊朗可能有發展核武的意圖。一旦伊朗擁有核武，將對國際安全產生重大衝擊。 本文分析的重點，在於伊朗發展核科技的背景、動機、經過，還有各國對伊朗核計畫的態度，以及伊朗核武化之後對國際安全的衝擊。 / The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the major powers in the Middle East. Since 1957, when nuclear energy program received technical assistance from the U.S., its successive leaders have eagerly pursued the policy for developing nuclear technology. The only exception took place during the early years of the Ayatollah Khomeni government when all nuclear program was temporarily suspended. Recent disclosures show that Iran has been conducting several covert nuclear programs, which is considered by the international community as a possible step toward nuclear weapons. This thesis first analyzes the background of Iran’s nuclear development, its motives, and the evolution of its nuclear development. The U.S., Russia, the PRC, and other related powers’ attitude toward Iran’s nuclear programs will be analyzed latter. Once Iran gets nuclear weapons, its impact on the security in the Middle East as well as on the nuclear non-proliferation regime will also be examined finally.

阿拉伯聯合大公國（United Arab Emirates, UAE）並非中東大國， 但卻是世界重要產油國及海灣國家合作理事會創會成員之一。其自 1971 年獨立建國以來，除有內政危機外，同時還需因應周遭強權摩 擦及區域衝突，這些挑戰均係其國家安全之威脅。然而，阿拉伯聯合 大公國在首任總統翟伊德（Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan）的領 導下，充分發揮其務實且具彈性之外交政策面對外來的挑戰，成功確 保國家利益及生存。 本文分析重點在於闡釋阿聯外交政策之特色及實踐，並探討影響 其外交政策之內外因素，以對其外交政策有完整概念。 / United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a small state in the Middle East. But it is an important oil exporter in the world and an initial member of Gulf Cooperation Council. Since the seven members of UAE federation was established in 1971, the UAE government has been spontaneously dealing with the internal political crisis, frictions between major powers, and conflicts in this region, which were crucial threats to its national security. Nevertheless, under the leadership of the first President, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, the UAE government was capable to cope with these challenges with the practical and flexible foreign policy, and successfully safeguarded its national interests. The content of this thesis is first to analyze the features and conduct of UAE’s foreign policy. Then, how the internal and external factors affected the formulation of the policy will be followed.