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Shi´ism intellectual history is the main subject in this bachelor thesis. Mainly the models of interpretation that arose on the basis of the doctrine of the twelfth imam, and how these have influenced politics. The Khomeini doctrine has been used as an example, and the task has been to put the doctrine into a liberation theological perspective. The definition of liberation theology that is used is from the famous liberation theologian Gustavo Gutiérrez. The paper is a presentation of the tradition of the twelfth Imam and will, as mentioned, treat a political doctrine that arose from it. It will present how Khomeini argued for his doctrine and how he claimed that this would lead to freedom of the people and the perfect society. The paper is an example of what can happen when a revolution succeeds with religion as it medium, and when the revolution is transformed from ideas to practice.

This essay has focused on the presentation of shia-islam in textbooks. It is a study of textbooks for lower secondary school and has analysed three different textbooks. The essay looks into what the textbooks and its authors writes about shia-islam and what information they leave out. The essay studies previous research on Islam in textbooks and other textbook studies. It focuses also on shia-islam as a whole and provides a description of various elements of shia-islam that are not present in the textbooks. Elements such as the shia-islams pillars of faith and the role of the imams in shia. These elements of shia-islam are elements of such nature that they could have been a part of the textbook since they differ from the sunni-islam point of view. These parts of islam are presented in the textbooks but solely from the sunni-muslim perspective. The essay analyses the textbook in form and content and conclude what difficulties the description of shia-islam offers.

The aim of this study is to examine how two Sunni Muslim social media influencers depict and represent Shia Islam through their YouTube videos. To aid the research two questions were formulated:  1. How are Shia Islam and Shia Muslims represented by Imran Ibn Mansur and Mohammed Hijab? 2. How can these representations be interpreted according to the theory of Othering? To answer the questions and the purpose of this study a qualitative method of argumentative analysis was used. Their display of Shia Islam is examined according to Edward Said’s theory of Othering together with discourse analysis. A table was also used to organize the statements and arguments that were used by the influencers. The interpretations of the influencers’ discourse also studied how it can affect young Muslims’ views on Shia Islam. Their YouTube comments are used to back up the influencers’ claims and argument about Shia Islam. The study shows that Ibn Mansur’s view of Shia Islam is based on the Salafist school of thought, where he believes Shia Muslims are non-Muslims and apostates. Hijab’s view of Shia Islam differs in the sense it is not as extreme as Ibn Mansur but still amplifies the general and questionable view of Shias as being the “Other” foreign and deviant followers of Islam. Their respective view of Shia Islam was widely supported by their viewers, who were sharing strong opinionated statements about the Shias. This study shows that Ibn Mansur’s and Hijab’s views and presentations of Shia Islam and Shia Muslims are very critical, even hostile, which could enhance young Muslims’ view of Shia Islam as an inadequate and unreliable branch of Islam, and in some cases a religion separate from Islam.

A partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée entre 2009 et 2015 dans les villes de Kars, Iǧdɪr et Istanbul, cette thèse étudie les conditions et les dynamiques de constitution et de mobilisation de la communauté chiite duodécimaine de Turquie, dite caféri, en contexte urbain. Plus particulièrement, nous étudions l’histoire sociale et politique de la communauté et nous analysons dans quelle mesure et comment cette communauté se transforme en mouvement sous l’appellation de Zeynebiye Hareketi. Les Caféris qui s’installent dans les quartiers populaires stambouliotes expérimentent la condition minoritaire de leur confession religieuse en contexte urbain, et se mettent à créer des associations pour la construction des mosquées chiites dans ces quartiers majoritairement sunnites. La réintroduction des commémorations d’Aşura dans l’espace public stambouliote par ces associations révèle les effets politisant de cette pratique rituelle religieuse pour un groupe chiite minoritaire. La migration, les nouveaux contextes d’interaction et l’expérience associative ont un effet décisif sur les trajectoires individuelles et sur le type d’identification et de différenciation ethnique, confessionnel et politique des Caféris. L’étude de l’évolution de la politisation des Caféris démontre les stratégies d’adaptation d’un groupe minoritaire confessionnel aux différents moments des politiques répressives de l’État et nous dévoile le fonctionnement d’un régime politique de type sécuritaire (jusqu’en 2015) vulnérabilisant les divers groupes minoritaires qui peuvent développer des réflexes ambigus de rapprochement et de méfiance envers l’État / As a product of an ethnographic field study that we conducted on Twelver Shias (Caferis) in Kars, in Igdir and in Istanbul between 2009 and 2015, our thesis analyses the construction of the new urban Caferi community and the different moments of its politicization process since 1978

Cette thèse de doctorat discute trois questions principales. Tout d'abord, notre recherche atteste l’augmentation des nouveaux phénomènes religieux en Iran. Ensuite, elle les examine afin de découvrir leurs caractéristiques. Enfin, après avoir choisi l’appellation "New Spiritual Trainings" pour les identifier, cette étude analyse les raisons sociologiques derrière leur émergence dans la société iranienne. De ces analyses découle la thèse principale de notre propos: en analysant sociologiquement les conflits religieux au sein de la société iranienne, nous mettons l'accent, d'une part, sur la démonstration du processus de capture et de cristallisation de la religion par les institutions politiques en religion d'État et, d'autre part, sur la décristallisation de la religion par les individus à travers laquelle la notion de la "religion abritée" sera théorisée. / This research discusses three principle questions; firstly proving the rise of the new religious phenomena through the inquiry in Iran; secondly this research examines carefully the new religious phenomena appearing in Iranian society in order to discover their characteristics and find a suitable term to typify them. After selecting the label of “New Spiritual Trainings” (NSTs) for identifying such new phenomena, this study analyzes the sociological reasons behind this emergence in Iranian society. The main thesis of this dissertation is sociological analyses of religious conflicts within current Iranian society and also demonstrating the process by which religion is captured and crystallized into an official State religion by political institutions on one hand and de-crystallized by individuals on the other hand through which the concept of “harbored religion” will be theorized.

This paper has two purposes. The first one is to explain the rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia by analyzing four cases which has brought about and consolidated their power struggle. This gives the reader a historic background of the two countries relations, underlying reasons for their rivalry and a greater picture of their interests in the Middle East. It also leads up to the second purpose, which is to in depth examine Iran and Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in Yemen, the latest conflict between the two countries. The papers research design is a qualitative case study with realism as its theoretical framework. The paper concludes that the Iranian revolution set off the rivalry due to Iran’s willingness to export its revolution and its Shia ideology to neighboring countries in the region. Saudi Arabia’s support to Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War helped contain Iran’s hegemonic ambitions and made Saudi Arabia the most dominant power in the Middle East. In Syria, Iran has a lot at stake if the regime falls, which is why Saudi Arabia is trying to topple Bashar Al-Assad. The execution of Nimr al-Nimr further deteriorated tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. in Yemen, Iran seeks to expand its power to the Arabian Peninsula, whereas Saudi Arabia seeks to push out Iranian influence and regain its dominance.

伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後，穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係，說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位，實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結，從而影響女性地位的說法，試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史（1953-1989）中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述，商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。 巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志，並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林，利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中，為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展，要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。 左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati，以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人，分別以「中西毒」概念，聖女法蒂瑪形象，以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念，批判時下盲目西化的人們，藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀，與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計，他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。 經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳，何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」，其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者，配合精神聖戰的呼籲，扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制，將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止，皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。 本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析，並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言？」此提問的重點，探視伊朗革命的發生，與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡，由宗教角度的分析，能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述，使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。 / The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic（1953-1989）to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition. Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization. Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam. Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious. In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers.

The aim of the thesis is to classify the form of political leadership and domination in Shia islam's political ideology, their development and ability to succeed in political reality. I especially focus on the Shia understanding of political power and its connection to infallible Imam as secular and religious leader of the Shia community. For analysis of the concepts I use the description of early Islam, including the Shia reasons for the dissolution of Muslim ummah, as well as the reasons that led to the multiple division of Shiism. I analyse specific examples of ideological break up of the Shia community (Ithnasharia, Isma'ila, Hashashins, Alawi, Duryz and modern Islamic Republic of Iran) and finally cardinal reformulation of understanding of political leadership and domination by Ayatollah Khomeini. His concept Wilājat al-faqīh (Guardianship of the jurist) started the era of radical transformation of the Shia political ideology, although he wanted only to modernize it and not to establish a brand new set up. My aspiration is therefore to analyze whether Wilājat al-faqīh can still be seen as the return to the roots of traditional Shiism or if it has a new quality without connection to previous Shia history.