This ethnographic research examines how farmers survive agricultural crises by exploring reactions of Saskatchewan beef and dairy farmers to the Canadian BSE crisis. As this study unfolded it became clear that the BSE crisis is only one of many recent crises that have been changing the face of Saskatchewan rural communities and family farms. Producers see a crisis in their inability to achieve their own measures of success in both the life and business of farming. This includes a greater need for off-farm work, a decline in rural community life and values, and a shift away from farming as a desirable livelihood.<p> The BSE crisis has highlighted the risky nature of the contemporary agriculture industry, both for farmers' livelihoods and for food safety. Farmers' initial strategies to address the BSE crisis were precautionary and conservative in nature: minimal enterprise adaptation while waiting out markets. As the crisis continued, producers worked to bring their experience and understanding to bear on changing the structure of the agricultural system. Attempts at change were not often successful. This was attributed to a lack of initiative by government and powerful players, such as the multi-national packing industry that profited from the crisis situation and used the crisis to consolidate power within the value chain. Producers felt that they were paying too much for risks that were beyond their control. The government support they needed was not in line with their structural concerns; risky pre-BSE structures have not been appreciably changed. Uncertainty and risk remain high for the average farmer.<p> There appears to be a growing distrust in powerful institutions that farmers depend on, and a consequent disengagement from government surveillance and regulatory policies. This foreshadows possible serious repercussions in food security and food safety, issues that are still unsettled regarding BSE in Canada. This research indicates a need for greater transparency and public knowledge pathways to reduce uncertainty and allow individuals to better understand and manage emerging risk complexes. Increased democratic space within food and agricultural systems for participation by producer and rural publics would help to balance out government rationalities that may not fully account for culturally mediated understandings of risk and action at the farm level.

This ethnographic research examines how farmers survive agricultural crises by exploring reactions of Saskatchewan beef and dairy farmers to the Canadian BSE crisis. As this study unfolded it became clear that the BSE crisis is only one of many recent crises that have been changing the face of Saskatchewan rural communities and family farms. Producers see a crisis in their inability to achieve their own measures of success in both the life and business of farming. This includes a greater need for off-farm work, a decline in rural community life and values, and a shift away from farming as a desirable livelihood.<p> The BSE crisis has highlighted the risky nature of the contemporary agriculture industry, both for farmers' livelihoods and for food safety. Farmers' initial strategies to address the BSE crisis were precautionary and conservative in nature: minimal enterprise adaptation while waiting out markets. As the crisis continued, producers worked to bring their experience and understanding to bear on changing the structure of the agricultural system. Attempts at change were not often successful. This was attributed to a lack of initiative by government and powerful players, such as the multi-national packing industry that profited from the crisis situation and used the crisis to consolidate power within the value chain. Producers felt that they were paying too much for risks that were beyond their control. The government support they needed was not in line with their structural concerns; risky pre-BSE structures have not been appreciably changed. Uncertainty and risk remain high for the average farmer.<p> There appears to be a growing distrust in powerful institutions that farmers depend on, and a consequent disengagement from government surveillance and regulatory policies. This foreshadows possible serious repercussions in food security and food safety, issues that are still unsettled regarding BSE in Canada. This research indicates a need for greater transparency and public knowledge pathways to reduce uncertainty and allow individuals to better understand and manage emerging risk complexes. Increased democratic space within food and agricultural systems for participation by producer and rural publics would help to balance out government rationalities that may not fully account for culturally mediated understandings of risk and action at the farm level.

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My dissertation is a speculative analysis of the historical contexts of a social protest, based on the notion of "articulation" advanced in the field of cultural studies. Focusing on the 2008 candlelight protest against U.S. beef in South Korea, my goal is to explore the historical contexts of the protest, which formulate the identity of the protest. Since the U.S. beef deal was approved by the Korean government as a precondition for the Free Trade Agreement between Korea and the United States, the protest has been considered (notably by leftists in Korea) as a resistance against post-colonial overtones and fascist eco-political principle in the era of neoliberal globalization. Instead of understanding the protest from such an essentialist perspective, my research makes a commitment to exploring the exterior factors that drove the possibility of the protest. The notion of articulation, a mode of explanation that moves beyond any linear sort of causality, provides a framework to view the protest not as a unity, but as a linkage of multi-dimensional (political, economic, social, and cultural) elements of historical contexts. Based on my journal entries written during my participation in the protest, and the journal articles about the 2008 protest written by the scholars in Korea, I explored the main characteristics of the protest in comparison with the conventional social movements in Korea, and discovered that the 2008 candlelight protest had featured the "food safety issue," "participants with heterogeneous desires," "carnivalesque modality," and an "ambiguous goal." From these main features, I inferred four salient axes of historical vectors (and their forces) including "political democratization and depoliticization," "food industrialization and wellbeing fever," "market liberalization and job insecurity," and "advanced communication technology and carnivalesque culture." My research findings present that the 2008 candlelight protest is not a definite insurgent element calling for any deep change in the dominant political and economic paradigm, but exists as a paradoxical event at the cusp between subordination to and resistance against neoliberal globalization. The main contribution of my research project entails (1) pushing the boundaries of communication studies on social resistance by including the notion of articulation which situates the 2008 candlelight protest within its historical contexts, (2) developing speculative analysis as a critical and cultural studies method for exploring structural forces operating in deep layers of our experiences, (3) delineating the new modalities of contemporary social movements by examining the concrete textures and hues of the 2008 candlelight protest, and (4) offering new ways of (re)thinking the principles of efficiency and economic growth by interrogating a case of food industrialization and global exchange.

This thesis is a critical examination of newspaper coverage of Canadian-born cases of Bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) discovered between May 2003 and December 2005. Data for the thesis has been compiled from three newspapers: the Edmonton Journal, the Calgary Herald, and the Globe & Mail. The Alberta newspapers were chosen for their proximity to the BSE discoveries, and the Globe & Mail was chosen for the national focus of its coverage. Using Fairclough’s method of ordering discourses, I examine three discourses prominently featured in the coverage: the political discourse, the science discourse, and the socio-cultural discourse. I analyse the three discourses independently, incorporating relevant theory to further explicate the discourses. The primary focus of the thesis is on the newspaper coverage of the first Canadian-born BSE case, but newspaper coverage of additional discoveries are included to examine how the BSE media package changed over time.

There is no known cure for the family of diseases known as Transmissible Spongiform Encephalopathies. These include the infamous Mad Cow disease-technically known as Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE)--as well as its human form, variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease. Although BSE was initially diagnosed in Britain in 1986, the first U.S. regulation to prevent BSE was not enacted until three years later. This delayed reaction proved to be a trend amongst the regulatory agencies responsible for keeping the U.S. food supply safe and BSE-free. The focus of this study is to delineate the degree of U.S. government liability in the event of a BSE outbreak. This study takes into account the various aspects of administrative law as it relates to liability, along with the numerous medical and scientific documents from domestic as well as international authorities, to determine governmental liability. There is sufficient evidence to suggest that the U.S. regulatory agencies concerned with food safety have created legislation consistently favoring industry concerns over those of public health. The legal system of a truly civilized society should be derived from ethical principles, which are then applied to institutions like the economy. When the process is reversed, when laws are based on industrial or economic concerns, ethics becomes an after-thought. This thesis sheds light on the government's handling of the threat of BSE: its shortcomings, competence, failures and successes. - ---

Les médias font-ils les décisions publiques ? Cette conception d’un pouvoir du journalisme sur les politiques publiques est répandue parmi les « décideurs ». Elle est aussi présupposée par les théories de l’agenda et de la construction sociale des problèmes. La réalité du phénomène est cependant plus complexe : ce pouvoir n’est ni uniforme ni unidirectionnel. Il repose sur la contribution active et variable des agents politiques et administratifs qui produisent ces décisions. La question s’en trouve alors reformulée : dans quelle mesure la production des décisions publiques peut-elle se faire en fonction du champ journalistique ? Pour y répondre, la thèse propose une sociologie des logiques spécifiques de prise en compte de la médiatisation dans les activités décisionnelles au sein des champs politique (dans les cabinets ministériels et au Parlement) et administratif (dans les administrations centrales des ministères). L’élaboration de ce cadre théorique, au croisement de la sociologie du journalisme et de celle de l’action publique, s’appuie sur l’analyse de la gestion politico-administrative de la maladie de la « vache folle » en France dans les années 1990. Il s’agit de restituer l’importance que les responsables de l’exécutif (en particulier les ministres de l’Agriculture, de la Consommation, de la Santé, mais aussi le Premier ministre et le président de la République), les parlementaires et les hauts fonctionnaires ont pu accorder aux enjeux médiatiques jusque dans leurs pratiques décisionnelles. Il apparaît ainsi que les décisions les plus « médiatiques » sont le produit de la prise en charge des dossiers les plus emblématiques selon les logiques d’action des agents les plus dépendants des enjeux de légitimation dans le champ journalistique : les principaux ministres et leurs conseillers / Are public policies made by the media? This would-be influence of journalists over public decisions is common place among “decision-makers”. It is also assumed by Agenda-setting as well as social problems theorists. Yet, the real nature of the phenomenon is more complex: it follows different paths along several directions. It rests on the active and variable engagement of the politicians and high civil servants who produce decisions. Thus, the question needs to be rephrased: to what extent does the production of public decisions depend on the journalistic field? In order to elucidate this question, this doctoral thesis offers a sociological analysis of the specific logics which lead decision-makers (i.e. ministers’ personal staff, and representatives aswell as high civil servants,) to pay attention to media coverage in decision-making processes. The elaboration of this theoretical framework, at the crossroads of the sociologies of journalism and public action, is based on ananalysis of the handling of the mad cow disease by French officials during the 1990s. The ambition is to account for the very attention the holders of the executive power (namely, the Ministers of Agriculture, Consumption,Health, but also the Prime Minister and the President), the members of Parliament and high civil servants paid to media-related challenges within the practice of decision-making. Thus, it appears that the most “media dependent”decisions are the result of the handling of the most symbolic issues according to the logics of action of the most dependent agents on legitimization stakes in the journalistic field: the principal ministers and their advisers