In the Arabian Gulf countries, the majlis is a central part of the house. The most public space within it, the majlis represents the household’s occupants to society and its social and economic status. As the house reflects culture and civilization, so the family is understood as a micro-level society of individuals raised in its institutions. Hence, the house is a manifestation of family structure, religious beliefs, and individual needs and desires, reflecting the family’s economic, cultural, and social backgrounds and aspirations. The majlis offers a unique space in Arab societies, articulating cultural and social factors that directly impact identity Accordingly, the design of the majlis and meanings associated with its constituents are essential to the discussion about Qatari culture and society from past to present (Rapoport 1969). Since the discovery of oil in Qatar, there has been a noteworthy change in the way that houses have been designed, with a major transformation in the use of house and majlis over the last few generations, including social factors such as family social structure, the role of women, kinship and its relationship with privacy and proximity, and economic factors such as the availability of disposable income. This research explores the evolution of house architecture in Qatar with a focus on the design and social impact of the majlis. The physical and social changes in the period between pre-oil discovery until today have created gaps between the built form, climate, and sociocultural activities. This research attempts to bridge this gap, concentrating on the majlis.

This thesis will provide an analysis of the current Parliament building in Beirut, which is called Majlis an-Nuwwab, and was built by the French colonial state that ruled over Lebanon. It will examine to what extent it has theoretically contributed to the mediation of the French colonial power over Lebanon, through the analytical framework provided by Njoh and Bigon, along with a theoretical framework offered by Kim Dovey. The data was obtained first-hand during a ten-day visit to the city of Beirut, employing primary observation and is in the form of personally obtained photographs of the object of analysis, namely Lebanon’s Parliament building. Further, this research has been conducted due to the lack of academic discussion and literature regarding the relationship between colonial power structures and colonial architecture in the Middle East.In accordance to the analytical and theoretical framework, this study demonstrates that Lebanon’s Parliament building, along with its urban context, can theoretically be understood as operating as the mediator for military, cultural and socio-psychological power as the most prominent ones. Additionally, traits of economic and politico-administrative power were also found to be theoretically mediated through the designs of the Parliament building, although not to the same extent as the previously mentioned powers.

Après son annexion à la Sublime Porte au XVIe siècle, Alger a vue naître de grandes fondations de waqf, dont celle des Subul al-Khayrāt qui se distingue par le fait qu'il s'agit d'une fondation de madhhab hanéfite alors que la population algéroise est de madhhab malékite dans la grande majorité. Elle a été crée par les Turcs ottomans vers la fin du XVIe siècle et chargée de la gestion des mosquées hanéfites qui lui en dépendaient ainsi que de leurs biens appartenant à leur waqf. Trois de ses mosquées ont survécues à la démolition après la prise d'Alger : al-Jāmi‘ al-Jadid qui est la principale mosquée hanéfite édifié au XVIIe siècle par ordre de l'armée (bi amrin min al-‘askar al-manṣūr) et financée par les Subul al-Khayrāt, Jāmi‘ Kashshāwa et Jāmi‘ al-Qā'id Ṣafar. L'exploitation des documents relatifs aux waqf, pour la plupart inédits, a servi à connaître le nombre et la nature des biens waqf de la dite fondation et, par conséquent, leurs fondateurs qui sont en majorité des Turcs. Les documents ont également servi à connaître la composante démographique de la ville d'Alger à l'époque ottomane ainsi que les différents fonctions et métiers exercés dans cette cité. / After its annexion to the Sublime Porte in the 16th century, large waqf foundations developed in Algiers: the Subul al-Khayrāt figured among them. The Subul al-Khayrāt were different from other waqf in the city because their foundations were regulated by the Hanafi madhhab while the Algerian population was largely Maliki. The Ottoman Turks created the Subul al-Khayrāt towards the end of the 16th century and they created the structures to manage the waqf which belonged to it. Three mosques belonging to the Subul al-Khayrāt survived the demolition of Algiers after its conquest by the French in 1830: al-Jāmi‘ al-Jadid which is the principal Hanafi mosque built in the 17th century by order of the army (bi amrin min al-‘askar al-manṣūr) and financed by the Subul al-Khayrāt, Jāmi‘ Kashshāwa and Jāmi‘ al-Qā'id Ṣafar.The study of the pertinent documents regarding this waqf which, for the most part have not been published, served as the basis to study the number and the nature of the assets belonging to this foundation and, as a consequence, to study their endowers who were mostly Turks. The documents also served as a source to know the demographic components of the city of Algiers during the Ottoman period as well as the different functions and professions exercized in this city.

Cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude des peintures d'un des manuscrits les plus importants de la tradition persane : une copie du Bustân de Sa‘di réalisée à la cour timouride de Herât vers 894 H./1488. Elle démontre que ces peintures incarnent un changement de fonction de la peinture, d'un dispositif de représentation à un objet de performance. Les peintures présentent plusieurs aspects inédits, qui contredisent la fonction illustrative généralement associée à la peinture persane de manuscrit. La surface de la peinture se couvre de formes qui n'ont aucun rapport avec le texte qu'elle est censée illustrer (chapitre I). Le peintre a également inséré des vers poétiques dans les peintures, qui évoquent le spectateur et constituent un panégyrique de l'image (chapitre II). On note aussi une miniaturisation des formes, visible en particulier à travers la prolifération de motifs linéaires infimes. La finesse de la ligne s'accompagne de la présence, dissimulée dans les détails de la composition, de la signature du peintre Behzâd (chapitre III). Ces aspects donnent à la peinture une dimension réflexive, qui détourne le spectateur du contenu de l'œuvre au profit d'un questionnement sur le statut de l'image et le talent du peintre. Ce changement de fonction s'explique par le rôle croissant du majlis, une assemblée où artistes, poètes et patrons se réunissent pour discuter des œuvres. Dans ce contexte qui annonce l'émergence des écrits historiographiques sur l'art, la peinture est conçue comme un objet de performance, où le peintre dissémine des éléments qui indiquent son talent, et que le spectateur peut utiliser en retour pour créer des discours et des fictions sur l'artiste. / This dissertation examines the paintings of one of the most important manuscripts of the Persianate book tradition: a copy of the Bustân of Sa‘di, executed in the Timurid court of Herât, ca. 894 H./1488. It argues that these paintings embody a shift in the understanding of painting from a device of representation to an object of performance. In the three chapters of the dissertation, I analyze several new characteristics that appear in the paintings of the Bustân. First, the painting becomes filled with elements that are not related to the text copied in the book (chapter I). Second, the monuments depicted are inscribed with poetic verses emphasizing the admiration of the viewer towards the paintings (chapter II). Lastly, the visual information becomes extremely miniaturized. The most meticulous details appear to be minute linear motifs. This emphasis on the line accords with the presence of the signature of the painter Behzâd, embedded in each composition (chapter III).All of these elements shift the attention of the viewer from the content represented in the paintings to the artistic process that led to their creation. By contrasting the paintings with the historical scenarios of their reception, this dissertation sheds light on a hitherto unnoticed aspect of late 9th/15th century Persian painting, one which foreshadows the development of art historiographical writings: the paintings signed “Behzâd” are conceived not only as representational devices, but also as objects of performance, that the painter uses to inscribe his gesture, and whose contemplation causes the viewer to elaborate discourses and fictions on the artist.

In Kuwait, an increase in the use of social media by the Kuwait National Assembly (KNA) has allowed it members to reach out to the public and so advance their political agenda. This study examines social media influences on the decision making process; addresses the lack of academic research in relation to KNA members; and seeks to understand the extent to which public political engagement using social media might affect the outcome of their decision making. The proposed social media influence model (SMIM) was used to explore the relationships and relative importance of variables influencing legislator decision making in a social media environment. The second decade of the twenty-first century saw a number of major issues emerging in Kuwait. A core mixed method design known as explanatory sequential was applied to multiple sets of data generated during KNA members' 14th (2013-2016) and 15th (2016-2018) terms. These data included Twitter messages (tweets), the KNA Information Center Parliamentary Information System legislation documents, and the news media articles. The sample was drawn from KNA membership, some of which used Twitter to comment on major events with specific hashtags and the Kuwaiti news media articles related to the same. Study results confirm and support the proposed SMIM. They also suggest that a single person or a group of individuals (in this case, legislators) can be influenced and motivated to use social media for self-promotion and/or advancing their political agenda. Consequently, they can be used to devise ways for improving the use of social media by KNA members in support of legislative work, which in turn will provide citizens with access to real-time information and enhanced political interaction.