In this paper we discuss the electoral behavior of the 7th Legislator Election in single-member districts. The system impacted the election essentially. According to Median Voter Theorem by Anthony Downs, the candidates become imperious to look for support from the median voters rather than the partisans. And the candidates manipulate the elections with moderate campaign strategies. Base on Downs¡¦ theory, in this paper we extended the analysis by considering conditions such as the properties of electoral districts and candidates¡¦ status to clarify the electoral behavior in the election.

Syftet med studien är att analysera förändringen i de svenska partiernas politiska program genom att tillämpa Public Choice skolans modeller. Med hjälp av medianväljarteoremet och Hotellingmodellen analyseras om modellerna är tillräckligt beskrivande för Sveriges partiförflyttningar. Vidare beräknas Herfindahl-Hirschman index för graden av maktkoncentration på den politiska ”marknaden”. Herfindahl-Hirschman indexet visar att koncentrationen på den politiska marknad blivit lägre över tid, viket indikerar på att konkurrensen mellan partierna blivit allt högre under perioden 1973-2014. För att analysera om det går att förklara förändringar i partiernas politik under perioden 1973-2014 tillämpas medianväljarteoremet. En diskussion kring testning av modellen görs samt en illustration hur medianväljarteoremet skulle kunna se ut för Sveriges partier. För att analysera om en endimensionell skala är beskrivande för de svenska partiernas förflyttningar har Hotellingmodellen tillämpats. Genom att illustrera dessa två modeller på Sveriges partier undersöks om modellerna ger en tillfredställande beskrivningar av förändringen i de svenska partiernas politiska program. Analysen ger vid handen att att Medianväljarmodellen inte förklarar förändringarna i partiernas politik på ett tillräckligt utförligt sätt. Hotellingmodellen kan bättre förklar både de svenska partiernas förflyttningar på vänster-högerskalan samt förändringar i partiernas politik. Utöver de nämnda modellerna konstateras att den enskilda faktor som är mest betydelsefull för hur partierna ändrat sina politiska program är partiernas beroende av väljarnas åsikter. / The aim of the study is to analyze changes in the Swedish political parties programs by applying the Public Choice approach. With help from the median voter theorem and the Harold Hotelling model, the paper analyzes if these models are sufficiently descriptive of Swedens political parties movements. A Herfindahl-Hirschman index is constructed which shows changes in concentration of political power over time. The Herfindahl-Hirschman index shows that the degree of concentration in the Swedish political “market” has become lower over time, which indicates that the party competition has increased during the period 1973-2014. In order to analyze whether it is possible to explain changes in the parties’ policies during the period 1973-2014 the median voter theorem is applied. A discussion about how this model can be tested is done as well as an illustration of how the median voter theorem could look like for the parties in Sweden. To analyze whether a one-dimensional scale is descriptive of the movements of the Swedish parties, the Harold Hotelling model is also applied. By illustrating these two models on Swedens parties, the paper investigates whether these models provide a satisfactory descriptions of the change in the Swedish parties political programs. The analysis concludes that the median voter theorem does not explain the changes in the parties politics in a sufficiently detailed manner. It is revealed that the Harold Hotelling model provides a better description for both the Swedish parties movements at the left-right scale and for the changes in the parties politics. In addition to the models mentioned the factor that that is most important for how the parties changed their political programs is the parties’ dependence of the voters opinions.

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民主國家中選舉是獲得政治職位、聲望或權力的主要途徑之一，有許多因素會影響選舉結果，其中選舉制度是決定在位者與挑戰者去留的關鍵，決定如產生當選者，選舉制度往往會影響候選人的參選動機、競選方式、選民的投票行為，甚至會造成不同類型的政黨政治。本研究主要探究立委選舉從第七屆開始實行單一選區兩票制後，區域立委候選人的政治立場相較於過去在複數選區單記不可讓渡投票制下，是否有所不同或發生改變。本研究以兩岸議題為例，以第五屆及第七屆區域立法委員候選人為分析單位，並依其選舉公報採內容分析法為研究焦點。本研究有幾個研究發現：首先、選制改革有相當程度反映在屆別的差異上，對立委候選人兩岸立場造成影響；其次、雖然新選制下立委候選人提出更多的兩岸政見，但所提出的兩岸政見，新選制相較於舊選制，不但統獨立場趨中，且論述語氣略微和緩，此一發現支持中位選民定理，也就是說，在單一選區相對多數決制之下，立委候選人的兩岸議題不管在方向或是程度上，相較SNTV制度均有往中間靠攏的趨勢，意即新選制下的立委候選人在政見立場方向，是符合理論預期往意識形態光譜中間移動，傾向提出方向趨中且統獨維持現狀或中立的兩岸政見。 / In democratic country, election is the main approach for the politicians to receive position, reputation, and power. Many factors affect the result. Electoral system is one of the key causes to determine who-incumbent and challenger- will win the election. In addition, electoral systems also affect the process of producing winner, the candidates’ motive and campaign, the electorate’s voting behaviors. and even different types of party politics. This paper targets on the district legislators’ behaviors. Do their behaviors change after the electoral reform transiting from SNTV to Single-District Two-Votes System? To be more specific, I focus on the fifth and seventh terms of legislators as the analysis unit, and explore their attitudes or campaign platform on Cross-Strait issue, which are published on the campaign communique. I used the content analysis to analyze the campaign communique. There are several findings implied from this research. First, electoral system indeed affects legislators’ positions on Cross-Strait issues. There is significant difference between the fifth and seventh terms of legislators. Second, comparing with the fifth term, although the seventh term of legislators propose more Cross-Strait-related campaign platform, their attitudes are more moderate. This finding supports the median voter theorem. Under the Single-District System, comparing with SNTV, legislators will stand on moderate position on Cross-Strait issue, no matter on direction or intensity. In conclusion, the findings fit to my expectation that the seventh term of legislators stand on moderate position on the political spectrum. They are incline to propose more neutral campaign platform. They prefer maintaining the status quo to unification or independence.

Populism as a phenomenon is increasing in Europe. This study is therefore centred on howpopulist parties affect mainstream parties when entering the parliament. Moreover this studyresearches how party behaviour theories such as the median voter theorem and cartel partytheory explains mainstream parties' transition on the political and ideological scale when apopulist party is included in the parliament. This study aims to identify populistic discourse in Swedish parties election manifestos. Additionally, examine if the degree of populisticdiscourse differs from the year 2010 when the populist party entered the parliament, the yearof 2018 and the year of 2022 when the populist party entered an alliance with the government.The methodical approach for this research has been a qualitative content analysis. The categories for populist communication strategy attempts to contribute with an operationalization, a measuring instrument of populism in the empirical material. Moreoverthe categories is based on Jan Jagers and Steffan Walgraves theory surrounding populism as a political communication-style. The eight units of analysis are the election manifestos of the Swedish parties: The christ democratic party, the moderate party and the sweden democrats. The empirical research shows that populism as a communication style appears within the election manifestos and that the degree of populist rhetoric differs within the mainstream parties from when the populist party entered the parliament in 2010 and government alliancein 2022.