This dissertation addresses the history of antibiotic use in British and US food production between 1950 and 2013. Introduced to agriculture in the 1950s, antibiotics underpinned the 20th-century revolution in Western food production. However, from the late 1950s onwards, controversies over antibiotic resistance, residues and animal welfare began to tarnish antibiotics' image. By mapping both the enthusiasm and the controversies surrounding antibiotic use, this dissertation shows how distinct civic epistemologies of risk influenced consumers', producers' and officials' attitudes towards antibiotics. These differing risk perceptions did not emerge by chance: in Britain, popular animal welfare concerns fused with new scenarios of antibiotic resistance and drove reform. Following 1969, Britain pioneered antibiotic resistance regulation by banning certain feed antibiotics. However, subsequent reforms were only partially implemented, and total antibiotic consumption failed to sink. Meanwhile, scandals and public pressure forced the American FDA to install the first comprehensive monitoring program for antibiotic residues. However, differing public priorities and industrial opposition meant that the FDA failed to convince Congress of resistance-inspired bans. The transatlantic regulatory gap has since widened: following the BSE crisis, the EU phased out growth-promoting antibiotic feeds in 2006. The US proclaimed only a voluntary and partial ban of antibiotic feeds in December 2013. In the face of contemporary warnings about failing antibiotics, the dissertation shows how one group of substances acquired different meanings for different communities. It also reveals that the dilemma of antibiotic regulation is hardly new. Despite knowing about antibiotic allergies and resistance since the 1940s, no country has managed to solve the dilemma of preserving antibiotics' economic benefits whilst containing their medical risks. Historically, effective antibiotic regulation emerged only when differing perceptions of antibiotics were broken down either by sustained regulatory reform or large crises.

La thèse retrace l'histoire de la médecine ostéopathique aux Etats-Unis, en Grande-bretagne en France et en Belgique. Partant de sa création par Andrew Taylor Still au XIXe siècle dans le middle-west, on suit d'abord son évolution conceptuelle et académique avant de s'intéresser à son institutionnalisation. Les fondements métaphysiques et transcendantaux de cette médecine manuelle sont mis en perspectives par rapport aux connaissances de l'époque tant aux Etats-Unis qu'en Europe. Nous suivons ensuite son passage sur le vieux continent via l'Angleterre et la France avant d'aborder son développement en Belgique ainsi que son entrée à l'Institut des Sciences de la Motricité de l'U.L.B.<p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p><p> / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Orientador: Sidney Chalhoub / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:09:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sial_VanessaVivianeDeCastro_M.pdf: 24681420 bytes, checksum: 3b203dcdd5968b58423026a2a3ba5eab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa, a partir do projeto de construção do Cemitério Público Bom Jesus da Redenção no Recife do século XIX, como se deram as transformações dos costumes fúnebres, mediante a imposição de normas sanitárias relacionadas às práticas funerárias tradicionais, que eram entendidas pelos médicos higienistas como um dos fatores de propagação das epidemias. Neste sentido, os cemitérios extramuros desencadearam novas práticas culturais e adaptações nas atitudes diante da morte. Os médicos higienistas, que influenciaram decisivamente na elaboração e aprovação destas normas sanitárias pelo poder público, acreditavam que os corpos cadavéricos eram possíveis focos de emanações miasmáticas, sendo agentes de grande poder de infecção do ar, causadores de toda sorte de epidemias na cidade. A proibição dos sepultamentos nas igrejas gerou múltiplos pontos de discussão e conflitos na sociedade recifense do século XIX, assim como ocorreu em várias outras cidades brasileiras: dentro do poder público, na elaboração de leis e regulamentos para as novas práticas fúnebres, como também na população, que viu suas crenças mais íntimas ameaçadas, sobretudo entre membros de irmandades religiosas e os emergentes comerciantes dos novos serviços mortuários. Ademais, o estudo das transformações dos costumes fúnebres foi fundamental para a compreensão do conflito entre a Igreja e o Estado na segunda metade do século XIX, sobretudo pela negação da Igreja em conceber o direito dos não-católicos a serem sepultados nos cemitérios públicos, interpretados como elementos decisivos no processo de secularização da morte no Brasil oitocentista / Abstract: From the study of the construction project of the Public Cemetery Bom Jesus da Redenção, in the XIXth century Recife, this work analyses how the traditional funerary customs were modified after the imposed new sanitary norms. In this sense, the outdoor cemeteries triggered new cultural practices and new adapted attitudes related to death. The hygienist physicians, decisively influencing the elaboration and approval of these norms by the public authorities, believed that the dead bodies were possible focuses of miasmatic emanations, becoming powerful infectious agents of the air, and sources of all possible epidemies in the city. The prohibition of burials inside churches originated many arguments and conflicts in the Recife's society of the XIX century, as also happened in other Brazilian cities: into the public authority, in the elaboration of laws and regulations regarding the new burial practices, as well as in the population, that perceived as menaced its most intimate burial practices, mostly between those belonging to religious fraternities and emerging dealers of the new funereal services. Besides, the study of the transformations of the funereal customs was fundamental to the understanding of the conflict between Church and State in the second half of the XIX century, mostly because of the Church refusal in accept the right of the non-catholic to be buried in the public cemeteries, viewed as decisive elements for the secularization of the death in the eighteenth century Brazil / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

儒醫是宋以後經過醫學文本訓練的，男性醫者的，文化認同/角色/定位。道醫、巫醫和女性醫者等其他醫者漸成為邊緣他者。儒醫宣稱比其他醫療實踐者更加深諳醫學經典、更加理性。儒醫攀附儒自居，模仿理學門戶互相攻訐，有學派之分。元代婺州朱震亨，「丹溪學派」的創始者，是明代儒醫的典範。本文將以朱震亨和「丹溪學派」為個案，一方面探討儒醫如何建構醫學身體、疾病觀念及其實踐，另一方面探討「丹溪學派」的思想和社會史。 / 第一、二、三章分別從三個角度探討元明儒醫的身體觀。首先，在強烈的「南人」認同之下，元代江浙的士人強調「南/北」身體的差異，「北醫」的療法不適合「南人」的身體，朱震亨被塑造為「南醫」的典範。其次，自劉完素以後，「火」不是日常生活中的火熱之氣，也不是推算運氣的術語，成為元明醫家對身體疾病的想像。據此，朱震亨提出「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀，是明代「丹溪學派」遵守的教條。第三，鬼神病因漸漸從儒醫的身體觀中淡出。道教醫學中的「傳尸勞瘵」，混雜了鬼邪和血氣病因，宋元儒醫卻劃分血氣「虛勞」和鬼邪「勞瘵」的界線。朱震亨將「勞瘵」解釋為「陰不足」病。追隨丹溪之後，虞摶病人見鬼實際上是「心神不寧」，清醫吳瑭認為「祝由科」是巫術，儒醫無法容忍鬼邪病因和儀式療法。 / 第四、五章討論儒醫多樣化的實踐。在臨床實踐中如何治療「陰不足」病，「丹溪學派」並不一致，王綸提倡的「補陰丸」在明代江浙醫者的實踐中廣受歡迎，但來自學派內部嚴厲的批評聲同時存在。明代醫家認為唐宋方書治「勞瘵」的天靈蓋「殘忍」，但紫河車卻是明代常用的治療「勞瘵」藥物。儒醫反對儀式療法，但某些驅除鬼邪的針灸療法，改頭換面依然留存在醫學實踐中，比如「秦承祖灸鬼法」。 / 第六、七章指出，從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」，是元代婺州地方士人建設宗族組織、講習理學、建構地方認同背景之下的社會史，也是蘇州城市醫者專業化、組織化的結果。元明政權更迭之後，「丹溪」弟子進入太醫院，依靠政治權威提升「丹溪」的醫學地位。1450年代以後「丹溪」成為商業書坊的暢銷本，注重師承關係的學派逐漸消解，「丹溪」成為大眾通俗的醫學入門文本作者。清代，考據醫學「丹溪」為通俗庸醫，「丹溪」不再是醫者撰寫醫書、醫療實踐的必引權威。 / This thesis aims to explain how Confucian physicians (儒醫) constructed the medical thoughts and practice. A Confucian physician is supposed to be a well-educated gentleman (儒) and a master of the medical classics. From the 12th century on, Confucian physicians gradually became a new identity of the orthodox doctors, while the Taoists, shamans, midwives and surgical practitioners all became the “others. At the same time, among the Confucian Physicians, different schools appeared. The Danxi School (丹溪學派) was a group of disciples following Zhu Zhenheng (朱震亨1282-1358) from the 14th to 15th centuries in Jiangnan (江南) . Zhu was a gentleman from Wuzhou, who was treated as an ideal model of “Confucian physicians through the whole Ming dynasty. / The first three chapters focus on the medical thoughts of Confucian phycians. Chapter One studies on the body of the “Southerners (南人). People living in the territory of Southern Song identified themselves as the “Southerners. This identity was strengthened by the unequal racial policy under the Mongol reign. It motivated the Jiangnan literati to appeal for a medical knowledge body specifically for the “Southerners, which would focus on treating the ailments caused by the “southern environment and dietary habits. Chapter Two explores the concept of “fire. In the Song dynasty, “fire is an element of the prevalent cosmological theory of “the five circulatory phases and the six seasonal influences (五運六氣) . However, in Liu Wansu (劉完素1132-1208) ’s innovative interpretation, the concept of “fire was internalized into the body structure. Zhu Zhenheng inherited this concept of bodily “fire and developed the theory of “yang is always in excess, yin is always deficient (陽有餘而陰不足) , which was later strictly followed by the Danxi School. Chapter Three investigates the disease of “laozhai (勞瘵) . According to the Taoist interpretation, the disease of “laozhai was due to the ancestor’s sin. However, Confucian physicians developed a new meaning in the context of Danxi’s “yin is deficient body. Demons were gradually excluded from the etiology of the Danxi School. / Chapter Four and Five study on the practice of Confucian physicians. The Danxi School didn’t have consensus on how to treat the “yin is deficient disease. Therefore, the therapy of “nourishing yin (滋陰) was quite differential in individual practices. However, it is certain that Confucian physicians tended to use herbs to treat patients who declared themselves suffering from demons. Religious rituals of expelling demons were excluded from their clinical practice. However, Confucian physicians didn’t refuse to use some unusual herbal remedies such as the placenta, or moxibustion that might function as Taoist rituals of expelling demons. / Chapter Six and Seven analyze the rise and fall of the Danxi School. The reason why Zhu became a powerful medical master lies not only in his medical thoughts or skills but in his social activities. He was very active in the lineage organization and local administration. In the local society, Zhu gained the power and fame as an authoritative Confucian gentleman, though he had never received any governmental position. After the death of Zhu, his disciples achieved successful careers as professional doctors in Suzhou (蘇州) . Later when the Ming Empire was established in Nanjing, most of Danxi’s disciples went into the Imperial Medical Service (太醫院) . After the 1450s, Zhu Zhenheng became a best-selling author and a symbol of the popular medicine. The popularity of his works eventually destroyed the structure of the master-disciple relationship in the Danxi School. The Danxi School gradually disappeared. In the end, because the mid-Qing physicians preferred ancient masters such as Zhang Zhongjing (張仲景 fl. 168-196) to the modern, vulgar Danxi, the Danxi School and their medical master faded away from the mainstream medicine. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 張學謙. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-217). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xueqian. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 儒醫：宋元明清醫者的身份認同 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫的理性與實踐 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 丹溪學派：醫學思想的社會史 --- p.11 / Chapter 四、 --- 研究說明 --- p.16 / Chapter 第一章 --- 元代醫學的「南/北」身體觀 --- p.18 / Chapter 一、 --- 南宋和元：「南人」認同的多層含義 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 「南/北」身體觀論述 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 製造「南醫」/「北醫」 --- p.32 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 丹溪學派的口號：「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 五運六氣與宋人的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 二、 --- 內丹對醫學身體觀的影響 --- p.46 / Chapter 三、 --- 朱震亨的相火論 --- p.50 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋明儒醫的「理性化」：以「勞瘵」為中心 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 《道藏》文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 儒醫「勞瘵」與明代社會身體 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 明代儒醫對「祝由」的困惑 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.85 / Chapter 第四章 --- 「陰虛」病與療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 一、 --- 丹溪「陰虛」病及療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 二、 --- 補陰丸與人參之爭 --- p.93 / Chapter 三、 --- 薛己、趙獻可：從補陰血到補陰精 --- p.99 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五章 --- 儒醫的實踐 --- p.105 / Chapter 一、 --- 道醫「追蟲」儀式 --- p.105 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫勞瘵療法 --- p.108 / Chapter 三、 --- 天靈蓋與紫河車在明代醫學中的不同遭遇 --- p.113 / Chapter 四、 --- 從「秦承祖灸鬼法」到「灸鬼哭穴」 --- p.121 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.125 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」的社會史 --- p.126 / Chapter 一、 --- 朱震亨的出身與赤岸朱氏宗族的建構 --- p.129 / Chapter 二、 --- 「儒醫」朱震亨與地方社會 --- p.136 / Chapter （一） --- 朱震亨之行醫 --- p.137 / Chapter （二） --- 朱震亨之醫療產業 --- p.140 / Chapter （三） --- 朱震亨在地方社會的角色 --- p.142 / Chapter 三、 --- 元代婺州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.147 / Chapter （一） --- 地方醫療資源與組織 --- p.147 / Chapter （二） --- 婺州地方士族的網絡 --- p.151 / Chapter 四、 --- 元末蘇州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.155 / Chapter 五、 --- 明代太醫院的「丹溪」門徒（1368-1450） --- p.162 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論： --- p.166 / Chapter 第七章 --- 「丹溪」的大眾化與清代醫學的轉折 --- p.167 / Chapter 一、 --- 「丹溪」文本的製造與流傳 --- p.168 / Chapter （一） --- 「丹溪」文本的製造 --- p.168 / Chapter （二） --- 「丹溪」文本的印刷與晚明私人的商業書坊 --- p.178 / Chapter 二、 --- 「丹溪」權威的下降 --- p.183 / Chapter （一） --- 明清醫者對「南/北」身體觀、療法的不同意見 --- p.184 / Chapter （二） --- 「陰不足」到「命門火衰」 --- p.186 / Chapter （三） --- 考據醫學之批評「丹溪」 --- p.188 / Chapter 三、 --- 結論 --- p.192 / 結論 --- p.193 / 參考書目 --- p.197 / Chapter 一、 --- 一手文獻 --- p.197 / Chapter (一) --- 醫書 --- p.197 / Chapter (二) --- 正史 --- p.200 / Chapter (三) --- 文集 --- p.201 / Chapter (四) --- 地方志和家譜 --- p.203 / Chapter (五) --- 筆記和其他： --- p.204 / Chapter 二、 --- 工具書： --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 近人研究： --- p.207 / Chapter (一) --- 中文專書 --- p.207 / Chapter (二) --- 英文專書 --- p.209 / Chapter (三) --- 中文論文 --- p.212 / Chapter (四) --- 英文論文 --- p.214

No description available.

No description available.

Increasing time trends in the recorded incidence of childhood cancer have been reported in many different settings. The extent to which these trends reflect real changes in incidence, rather than improvements in methods for diagnosis and registration, is controversial. Using data from the National Registry of Childhood Tumours (NRCT), this thesis investigates time trends in cancer diagnosed under age 15 in residents of Britain during 1966-2005 (54650 cases), and considers potential sources of artefact in detail. Several different methods are used to estimate completeness of NRCT registration. The history of methods for diagnosis and registration of childhood cancers in Britain is described, and predictions are made for effects on recorded incidence. For each of the 12 main diagnostic groups, Poisson regression is used to fit continuous time trends and ‘step’ models to the annual age-sex-standardised rates by year of birth and year of diagnosis. Age-specific rates by period, and quinquennial standardised rates for diagnostic subgroups, are shown graphically. For three broad groups (leukaemia, CNS tumours and other cancer), geographical variation is compared by period of diagnosis. The results of these analyses are discussed in relation to the predicted artefacts. The evidence for a positive association between affluence and recorded incidence of childhood leukaemia is briefly reviewed. A special form of diagnostic artefact, the ‘fatal infection’ hypothesis, is proposed as an explanation of both this association and the leukaemia time trend. This hypothesis is examined in a novel test based on clinical data. The recorded incidence of childhood cancer in Britain increased in each of 12 diagnostic groups during 1966-2005 (from 0.5% per year for bone cancer to 2.5% for hepatic cancer, with 0.7% for leukaemia). Evidence presented here suggests that these increases are probably artefacts of diagnosis and registration. The potential implications for epidemiological studies of childhood cancer should be considered.

Castration has a long temporal and geographical span. Its origins are unclear, but likely lie in the Ancient Near East around the time of the Secondary Products Revolution and the increase in social complexity of proto-urban societies. Due to the unique social and gender roles created by castrates’ ambiguous sexual state, human castrates were used heavily in strongly hierarchical social structures such as imperial and religious institutions, and were often close to the ruler of an imperial society. This privileged position, though often occupied by slaves, gave castrates enormous power to affect governmental decisions. This often aroused the jealousy and hatred of intact elite males, who were not afforded as open access to the ruler and virulently condemned castrates in historical documents. These attitudes were passed down to the scholars and doctors who began to study castration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, affecting the manner in which castration was studied. Osteometric and anthropometric examinations of castrates were carried out during this period, but the two World Wars and a shift in focus meant that castrate bodies were not studied for nearly eighty years. Recent interest in gender and sexuality in the past has revived interest in castration as a topic, but few studies of castrate remains have occurred. As large numbers of castrates are referenced in historical documents, the lack of castrate skeletons may be due to a lack of recognition of the physical effects of castration on the skeleton. The synthesis and generation of methods for more accurate identification of castrate skeletons was undertaken and the results are presented here to improve the ability to identify castrate skeletons within the archaeological record.

Taking into account of the colonial nature of modern Hong Kong, this author is to examine how the TWGHs as a medical space gradually developed from one that used only Chinese medicine into one in which Chinese medicine and western medicine coexisted. However, it finally became a western style hospital using only western medicine in the inpatient services in the 1940s, along with the growing hegemony of western medicine that was underpinned by colonial power. The multidimensional relationships among different agents in the process of transformation of medical services in the TWGHs constitutes another important theme of this thesis. These relationships touched upon a series of significant interactions between colonial government and Chinese community, colonial authorities and the Tung Wah Board of Directors, Chinese and western medical practitioners, Chinese community and the Tung Wah authorities, and so on. / The implantation, dissemination and expansion of modern western medicine, as an important part of western learning that infiltrated into the Orient, exerted profound impacts on Chinese traditional medical patterns and Chinese medical ideas and practices. As the center for exchange between Chinese and Western Culture, Hong Kong became a significant space for the spread and practice of western medicine. A wide range of western medical services and activities were delivered and developed by the colonial government, western missionaries, benevolent societies, and private practitioners in order to promote the development and popularization of western medicine among the Chinese community, including the establishment of hospitals, dispensaries and clinics, the opening of medical schools and training of western doctors, and the promotion of public health education. / This thesis also points out that the early intense prejudice and resistance against western medicine is not necessarily and cannot be entirely attributed to the underlying difference in the concept and practice of healing and sickness in the two different medical systems. Instead, I argue that a number of technical and practical factors in the delivery of western medical services provided by different agencies greatly affected and determined the choices and uses of the Chinese population. At the same time, the gradual recognition and reception of western medicine among the Chinese was not only the passive result of the compulsory western medical system developed by the colonial government, but also an active realization of the real efficiency and value of western medicine among the indigenous population and their consent and acceptance of its ideology and cultural value, to a great extent. / This thesis examines the confrontation and interaction between Chinese medicine and Western medicine, and the diverse and complicated Chinese attitudes towards western medicine by studying the history of the introduction of western medicine into Hong Kong and the case of transformation of Chinese and western medical services in the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals (TWGHs) during the period between 1894 and 1941. The history of the TWGHs dates back to the opening of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870. Originally intended for the accommodation and treatment of those Chinese who had strong fears and prejudices against western medicine, the Tung Wah Hospital was founded to provide treatment only by Chinese doctors using Chinese medicine. The bubonic plague of 1894 in Hong Kong marked an important turning point in the history of medical services of the Tung Wah Hospital. Since then, western medicine was formally introduced into the Tung Wah Hospital in 1897. / 楊祥銀. / Adviser: Hon-ming Yip. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0715. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 279-306). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Yang Xiangyin.