This dissertation examines the ways in which military personnel interacted with religion during World War II. It argues that the challenges of wartime service provided the impetus and the opportunity to improvise religious practices, refine religious beliefs amid new challenges, and broaden religious understanding through interaction with those from other traditions. Methodologically, this dissertation moves beyond existing analyses that focus primarily on institutions and their representatives such as military chaplains. Instead, it explores first-person accounts left by men and women who were not part of the chaplain corps and analyzes ways in which non-chaplains engaged religion. The exigencies of war contributed to religious innovation as soldiers and sailors improvised religious practices. Lay leaders sometimes filled in to lead services as chaplains were often not available. Soldiers and sailors also modified individual religious practices such as diet, fasting, and prayer to fit the context of military service. The challenges of wartime service also led troops to refine previously held religious beliefs as well as to adopt new interpretations based on personal experiences. Soldiers and sailors often clung to whatever religious beliefs or practices they saw as potentially beneficial. Finally, religious mixing combined with social dislocation and stress to create an atmosphere in which troops questioned and reformulated their religious identities. As soldiers and sailors formed bonds with those from other traditions, it became more difficult to maintain previous assumptions rooted in suspicion and rumor about other faiths. Understanding how soldiers and sailors interacted with religion in World War II anticipates significant aspects of what many scholars have described as a religious revival in the two decades following the war. It suggests that many veterans returned to civilian life with more confidence in their own religious agency and with sharpened conceptions of what they considered religious essentials.

Very little historical scholarship specifically analyzes or explores the absence of chemical weapons in World War II. This thesis seeks to fill the gaps in the historical narrative by providing insight into the personal and external factors that influenced Hitler’s chemical weapons policy. This thesis also touches upon the wartime violence perpetrated by both the Axis and the Allies, thereby offering a neutral, unbiased historical account. From 1939-1941, Hitler did not deploy chemical weapons because his blitzkrieg of Europe was progressing successfully – chemical warfare was unnecessary. With the failure of Operation Barbarossa from 1942-1943, Armaments Minister Albert Speer oversaw a massive increase in the production of the lethal nerve agent tabun, indicating Hitler’s desire to deploy chemical gas on the Eastern Front. However, by the request of Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill threatened to retaliate against Nazi Germany with chemical strikes on German cities in May 1942. Hitler backed down because of the inadequacy of German air defense and his desire to protect the “Aryan” people – based on his own trauma with gas in World War I. However, in the final years of the war in 1944-1945, the stress of the Allied advance on Berlin caused the deterioration of the German dictator’s mental and physical state. Hitler’s thoughts became suicidal and destructive – the German people deserved extinction for their failure in World War II. Thus, Hitler issued the Nero Decree in March 1945. However, the architect turned Armaments Minister, aware of the war’s foregone conclusion, sought to obstruct Germany’s path to catastrophe. Likewise, Hitler sought to initiate chemical warfare. Again, Speer prevented unnecessary civilian casualties by shutting down chemical production plants. The German dictator did not take matters into his own hands because following the failure of the Ardennes Offensive in January 1945, Hitler also grew increasingly apathetic to governing the Third Reich. By April 1945, with Hitler a ghost of his former self, his subleaders fought for control of Nazi Germany, and their inability to cooperate led to a crisis of leadership. Thus, World War II concluded in Europe without chemical warfare. Ultimately, this thesis promotes an awareness of the legacy of violence ushered in by “modern warfare,” a contemporary issue yet to be adequately addressed.

Basiert auf der Diss. Univ. Brüssel, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

The Canadian military and veterans have a long history of dealing with psychological trauma caused by war and peacekeeping. Over the past century views about trauma among physicians, military leaders, society, and veterans’ themselves have been shaped by medical theories, predominant views about the ideal soldier and man, and the nation’s role in international affairs. Since the First World War, major conflicts and peacekeeping operations have been responsible for distinct shifts in how trauma is conceptualized, named, and experienced by Canadian soldiers and the public. Canadian historians have examined this subject by looking at particular wars, most notably the First World War, but no attempt has been made to provide a monograph-length study of military trauma over the past century. This thesis utilizes several lenses – medical, social, and cultural – to explore how conceptions of trauma changed from 1914 to 2014, how such changes affected veterans in their civilian life, and the interactions between medical and popular knowledge, military culture, and veterans’ lived experiences. With a particular emphasis on the latter, it uses oral interviews with veterans of the post-Cold War, government reports, medical literature, and national newspapers to track shifts in consciousness about trauma and its social and medical treatment. It argues that despite numerous changes in medical thought and popular understandings of trauma, stigmas about psychological illness persisted, and that masculine ideals inherent in 1914 were still present, albeit in an altered form, one-hundred years later. It also argues that the Canadian veteran’s experience demonstrates that from 1914 to 2014, trauma consistently oscillated between being a medical entity and a metaphorical representation of war, peacekeeping, veterans’ socio-economic struggles, and national identity. This thesis takes advantage of a historically unique openness in the Canadian military since the year 2000 to contribute to a growing literature about trauma in Canadian military history and society.

Modern studies of Classical Greek battle devote little attention to the role and importance of the general in achieving battlefield success. As a result of this the general is reduced to a simple leader of men whose only influential decision was where and when to fight, and whose major role was to provide inspiration by fighting in the front ranks. A modern conception of Hellenic fair play in warfare has further limited the importance of the general to Greek armies: apparently advanced manoeuvring and tactics were deliberately rejected in favour of a simple and direct test of strength and morale. I do not believe this to be the case, and in this study I demonstrate the importance of the general to Greek armies by offering a new analysis of his role in hoplite battle.

abstract: The historiography of the Vietnam War's effect on American society and culture often focuses on the public image of its veterans. Historians and other scholars credit liberal and apolitical Vietnam veterans for reshaping Americans' opinions of those who served. These men deserve significant recognition for these changes; however, historians consistently overlook another aspect this topic. Conservative Republicans in the mid-1970s through the early 1990s made a concerted effort to alter how Americans viewed Vietnam veterans and their performance in the conflict. The few scholars who have examined this issue suggest conservatives wanted to quell Americans' distaste for military endeavors after the loss in Southeast Asia, a concept known as the Vietnam Syndrome. This dissertation argues conservatives' efforts were more complex than simply wanting to break down the syndrome. The war and its loss threatened their understandings of the exceptional nature of the United States. This notion of exceptionalism stemmed from the immense success of the country territorially, economically, and in the international system, accomplishments realized with the assistance of the American military. The performance of the military establishment and its soldiers in the Vietnam War and the negative international and domestic opinions of the country in the wake of this loss threatened those elements of American success that conservatives viewed as imperative to maintaining the idea of exceptionalism and the power of the United States. As a result, a disparate group of conservative Republicans in the post-Vietnam era attempted to alter American understandings of the nation's martial tradition and the concept of martial masculinity, both ravaged by the war. This dissertation adds another layer to the historiography of the effects of the Vietnam War by arguing that conservatives not only shored up Americans' belief in the martial tradition and reshaped the definition of martial masculinity, but that they also significantly influenced Americans' newfound positive opinions of Vietnam veterans. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2014

abstract: The 14th Army Band of the Women’s Army Corps (WAC) occupied a unique role as the longest activated all-female military band unit in the United States. Carrying forth the lineage of the 400th Army Service Forces Band, which was the first of five all-female WAC bands organized during World War II, the ensemble was reconstituted and activated as the 14th Army Band (WAC) on August 16, 1948 at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland. After six months of training, the band was relocated first to Fort Lee, Virginia on March 5, 1949, and then to Fort McClellan, Alabama on August 5, 1954. Operating under the command of twelve female officers and three enlisted band leaders during its history, the 14th Army Band (WAC) performed extensively throughout the United States while simultaneously providing musical support for military and civilian functions at its home duty stations. Able to advantageously promote the novelty of its uniqueness as an all-female ensemble to attain celebrity-like exposure, the band impressed audiences with its high level of musical proficiency, entertaining versatility, and military professionalism. To document women’s roles as instrumental musicians and to fill gaps in American band and music education histories, this study examines the organizational developments, key leaders, musical training, repertoire, and mission-related activities of the 14th Army Band (WAC) from the time it arrived at Fort Lee in 1949 until its final performance at Fort McClellan on May 14, 1976. Prior to World War II, females were not permitted to participate in military bands in America. The women of the 14th Army Band (WAC) proved, however, that they were more than capable of fulfilling the Army’s musical mission, and as role models, they paved the way for the participation of all females in American military bands today. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Music Education 2015

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1302800 bytes, checksum: 8a5cf209909be403f4a14bad659745cf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis aims to analyze the military mobilization during the war with Paraguay (1864-1870) in the province of Rio Grande do Norte, reflecting on the social impact that recruitment caused social structures, focusing on interference in power structures, relationships provincial social and everyday life. The effort required to finance the war demanded the imperial government a broad movement of conscription ever seen in Brazil, feeling its effects throughout the national territory. In this sense the provincial and orderly routine was modified in order to facilitate the recruitment, both in bureaucratic organization, with fill positions as the modified forms of work. One of the agents more engaged in the issues of war and recruitment were the presidents of the province, a position that has become crucial to the intentions of the imperial government. The expansion of military recruitment meant entering into the field of local government, which demanded the negotiating complex imperial government. Despite the great flood of soldiers in the early years of the conflict (1865-1866), the violence committed by recruiters were not diminished in the following years, especially in the hinterland of the province of Rio Grande do Norte. The resistance of the population favors the recruitment produced constant conflict throughout the provincial territory, leaking and rescues soldiers, attacks on commissions for recruiting, training entourages and confrontations of all kinds. At the same time that need arises regimentation of soldiers to incorporate the military, develops in the province wide movement to summon citizens to arms. The analysis of the sources, namely reports of provincial presidents, atas of the House of Representatives and the Senate, decrees published during the war, codes Posture, and some papers, allowed us the perception of the subject recruitment at the Provincial level, attending to the daily lives and social changes. / Essa dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a mobilização militar durante a guerra do Paraguai (1864-1870) na província do Rio Grande do Norte, refletindo sobre o impacto social que o recrutamento causou nas estruturas sociais, atentando para as interferências nas estruturas de poder, relações sociais e na vida cotidiana provincial. O esforço necessário para financiar a guerra demandou do governo imperial um amplo movimento de recrutamento militar jamais visto no Brasil, sentindo-se seus efeitos em todo o território nacional. Nesse sentido o cotidiano provincial foi modificado e ordenado de maneira a facilitar o recrutamento, tanto na organização burocrática, com preenchimento de cargos, como na modificação das formas de trabalho. Um dos agentes que mais se empenhou nas questões da guerra e do recrutamento foram os presidentes de província, cargo que passou a ser de crucial importância para as intenções do governo imperial. A ampliação do recrutamento militar significou adentrar em domínio dos poderes locais, o que demandava do governo imperial complexa negociação. Apesar da grande torrente de soldados nos primeiros anos do conflito (1865-1866), as violências praticadas pelos agentes recrutadores não foram diminuídas nos anos seguintes, principalmente nos sertões da província do Rio Grande do Norte. A resistência da população propicia ao recrutamento produzia constantes conflitos em todo o território provincial, com fugas e resgastes de soldados, ataques a comissões de recrutamento, formação de séquitos e enfrentamentos de todo o tipo. Ao mesmo tempo em que surge necessidade de arregimentação de soldados para a incorporação às forças militares, desenvolve-se na província amplo movimento que pretende convocar às armas os cidadãos. A análise das fontes, a saber: relatórios dos presidentes de província, atas da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado, decretos publicados durante a guerra, Códigos de Postura, além de alguns periódicos, nos possibilitou a percepção da temática do recrutamento em âmbito provincial, atentando para o cotidiano e as modificações sociais.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2015-01-30T14:25:01Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertação - Wendryll José Bento Tavares - 2014.pdf: 4000774 bytes, checksum: acb3c46fedb0dc99583e24eddbcf04ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-01-30T14:32:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertação - Wendryll José Bento Tavares - 2014.pdf: 4000774 bytes, checksum: acb3c46fedb0dc99583e24eddbcf04ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-30T14:32:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertação - Wendryll José Bento Tavares - 2014.pdf: 4000774 bytes, checksum: acb3c46fedb0dc99583e24eddbcf04ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation work aims to propose a study of the Roman military identities at the end of fourth century from the definition of a Roman way of warfare. For this we use the Epitoma rei militaris of Flavius Vegetius Renatus. We conducted an analysis of theoretical and typhological elements of the work, the Roman military organization during this period and finally, we seek to problematize the Roman way of warfare. / Este trabalho de dissertação tem como objetivo propor um estudo das identidades militares romanas no final do século IV d.C a partir da definição de um modo romano de lutar. Para isso utilizamos a Epitoma rei militaris escrita por Flávio Vegécio Renato, obra que se enquadra dentro do grupo de fontes denominadas manuais militares. Procedemos a uma análise dos elementos teóricos e tipológicos da fonte, da organização militar romana no período histórico estudado e a uma problematização do conceito de modo romano de lutar.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho analisa o discurso nacionalista dos engenheiros militares brasileiros. Tomo como ponto de partida a compreensÃo de que a naÃÃo, ao se firmar como a comunidade padrÃo da civilizaÃÃo moderna nos Ãltimos dois sÃculos, impulsionou o desenvolvimento cientÃfico e tecnolÃgico, tendo a figura do militar à frente nesses avanÃos. A Engenharia Militar incorpora uma elite tÃcnica e intelectual, historicamente envolvida na construÃÃo de uma naÃÃo moderna e soberana. Concentro-me no Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) e nas instituiÃÃes que o precederam, formando desde o sÃculo XIX engenheiros e tÃcnicos militares de nÃvel superior no Brasil. Analiso a percepÃÃo da naÃÃo brasileira revelada no discurso de comandantes e generais que tiveram ligaÃÃo com esta instituiÃÃo. / This work examines the speech of nationalist military engineers. I take as a starting point the understanding that the nation, reaching as the default community of modern civilization in the last two centuries, boosted the scientific and technological development, taking the figure of military ahead in these advances. Military Engineering incorporates technical and intellectual elite, historically involved in building a modern and sovereign nation. I focus the Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) and the institutions before it, which since the 19th century formed engineers and high level technicians in Brazil. I look at the perception of Brazilian nation revealed in the speeches of commanders and generals of this institution.