Ce travail doctoral analyse les conséquences socio-spatiales du pogrom anti-musulmans survenu à Ahmedabad (Gujarat) en 2002 et orchestré par les autorités. Ce pogrom a donné lieu à la formation d'un ghetto, soit une localité économiquement mixte et ethniquement homogène, remettant ainsi en cause les modalités traditionnelles d'organisation de l'espace en Inde. Cette remise en cause est notamment due à l'arrivée des classes musulmanes supérieures dans la localité conséquemment au pogrom, et transformant la localité en ghetto, analysé comme tel grâce aux travaux de L. Wacquant. Ce ghetto est initialement pensé comme un dispositif foucaldien de pouvoir visant à imposer la domination de la minorité musulmane. Par son truchement, le pouvoir y déploie un certain nombre de stratégies de domination de la minorité, consubstantielles à la forme ghetto.Néanmoins, à partir de 2004, les classes supérieures se mobilisent. Leurs actions, coordonnées ou pas, et analysées comme des "entreprises de mobilisation sociales" (O. Fillieule) sont autant d'initiatives de self-help conduisant au développement du ghetto. De fait, elles deviennent des "tactiques de résistance" aux stratégies de domination du pouvoir. Celles-ci apportent du changement social dans le ghetto, ce dernier étant analysé et qualifié. On en conclue notamment à la prééminence du récit identitaire séculariste, au dépend de celui islamique. On observe aussi l'existence de plus en plus prégnante des clivages de castes au sein du ghetto; ce que matérialise la formation de quartiers, dans le ghetto. / This dissertation deals with the socio-spatial consequences of the anti-Muslim pogrom of Ahmedabad (Gujarat). This took place in 2002 and was mainly masterminded by the local authorities. Encouraging the migration of Muslim high classes for security purpose, this State-led violence led to the formation of a ghetto in the outskirts of Ahmedabad, in Juhapura. Originally a deprived locality economic-wise, it becomes a ghetto following the definition coined by L. Wacquant. This ghetto is thought as a “dispositive of power”, after Michel Foucault’s work. It aims at dominating the Muslim minority. Through the ghetto, the authorities therefore applied several “strategies of power” to the Juhapura’s inhabitants. But from 2004 on, the Muslim high classes had started to get mobilized. They initiated several self-help initiatives in order to develop the area and bring basic amenities into it. They indeed lead to the development of Juhapura. These actions are thus considered as “tactics of resistance” that oppose the strategies of power. They also bring social change in Juhapura: the secularist identity discourse slowly replaces the Islamic one. In addition, the importance of caste cleavages is growing within the ghetto. This is spatialized by the formation of different districts, laid-out following the socio-economic level of their inhabitants.

No description available.

[pt] Com o fim da Guerra Fria, o ressurgimento dos movimentos nacionalistas e separatistas, principalmente na Europa Oriental e na antiga União Soviética, ganhou relevância no estudo das relações internacionais. Na base destes movimentos encontra-se o modelo do Estado-Nação, ou seja, a idéia de que a nação tem direito de estabelecer seu próprio Estado, cujas fronteiras devem ser congruentes com as da comunidade nacional. Esta idéia, aliada à presença de minorias nacionais em grande parte dos Estados do sistema internacional, tem sido fonte de constante ameaça à paz e estabilidade internacionais, levando, em várias ocasiões e regiões distintas, aos chamados conflitos étnicos. Em última instância, tais conflitos ocorrem porque, afinal de contas, o mesmo território é reivindicado por ambos os movimentos nacionalistas: o estatal e o independentista. Enquanto o primeiro reivindica o direito de inviolabilidade territorial dos Estados, o segundo reivindica o direito à autodeterminação dos povos. Neste sentido, o presente estudo analisa a desintegração da Iugoslávia - sob o prisma da política nacionalista sérvia - que surge como paradigma ideal dos problemas decorrentes da busca pela superposição entre a nação - enquanto comunidade cultural - e o Estado - enquanto comunidade política. / [en] With the end of the Cold War, the resurgence of the nationalist and separatist movements, especially in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union, has gained prominence in the studies of international relations. On the ground of these movements is the Nation-State model, this is, the idea that the nation has the right to establish its own State, whose boundaries are supposed to be congruent with those of the national community. This idea, together with the presence of national minorities in many of the States in the international system, has been a source of continuous threats to international peace and stability, leading, in many different regions and occasions, to the so-called ethnic conflicts. In the end, such conflicts take place because, after all, the same territory is claimed by both the nationalist movements: the statist and the independentist. While the first one claims the right of territorial inviolability of States, the second one claims the right of self-determination of peoples. In this sense, the present study analyses the disintegration of Yugoslavia - through the glasses of serbian nationalist policies - that emerges as an ideal paradigm of the problems resulting from the pursuit of the superposition between the nation - as a cultural community - and the State - as a political community.

Public schools traditionally have been held accountable for educating the majority of the nation’s school children, and through the years, these schools have been evaluated in a variety of ways. Currently, evaluation measures for accountability purposes consist solely of standardized test scores. In the past, only test scores of general education students were analyzed. Laws governing the education of students with disabilities, however, have extended accountability measures not only to include those students, but to report their scores in a disaggregated form (No Child Left Behind Act, 2002). The recent emphasis on accountability and compliance has resulted in the need for schools to carefully examine how programs, services, and policies impact student achievement (Bowers & Figgers, 2003). Standard-based school reform and accountability systems have raised expectations about student learning outcomes for all students, including those with disabilities and minority students. Yet, overall, racial/ethnic minority students are performing well below their White non-Hispanic peers in most academic areas. Additionally, with respect to special education, there exists an enduring problem of disproportionate representation of racial/ethnic minority students (National Research Council, 2000). This study examined classroom placement (inclusive versus non-inclusive) relative to academic performance of urban, low socioeconomic Hispanic students with and without disabilities in secondary content area classrooms. A mixed method research design was used to investigate this important issue using data from a local school district and results from field observations. The study compared performance levels of four middle school Hispanic student subgroups (students with disabilities in inclusive settings, students without disabilities in inclusive settings, students with disabilities in resource settings, and student without disabilities in general education settings) each in their respective placements for two consecutive years, exploring existing practices within authentic settings. Significant differences were found in the relationship of educational placement and achievement between grade level and disability in the areas of math and reading. Additionally, clear and important differences were observed in student-teacher interactions. Recommendations for further researchers and stakeholders include soliciting responses from teams at the schools composed of general education and special education teachers, administrative personnel, and students as well as broadening the study across grade levels and exceptionalities.

The presence of Allophone students in French-language secondary schools in Ottawa is gradually increasing. While the politique d’aménagement linguistique (PAL) insists on the use of French within the school, one may begin to wonder which language Allophone students are speaking. French? English? Their native language(s)? This qualitative case study of four multilingual Allophone students explores their language repertoire use in relation to their desired linguistic representation, their linguistic proficiency in French, English, and their native language(s), and their perceptions of language prestige. The results indicate that students spoke a significant amount of English, some French (particularly with their teacher or Francophone classmates), and minimal amounts of their native language. Recommendations are suggested to increase the effectiveness of PAL within a Francophone minority context and to ensure that the policy’s objects are attained.

This thesis examines the motivations for adopting multiculturalism. To this end, it examines a phenomenon that is commonplace in everyday life but is curiously absent from the academic literature: power. I argue that power provides a better causal explanation for the adoption of multiculturalism than previous explanations, such as desecuritization, and renders justifications for multiculturalism based exclusively on moral grounds insufficient and impractical in the world of politics. I divide the analysis into two parts: power acquisition as a factor that prompts dominant groups to enact multicultural policies, and power as a factor that enables non-dominant groups to mobilize for greater rights. In the process, I examine the structure of power in the modern nation-state, and claim, in short, that it is not only a network of boundaries, rules and institutions, but also an instrument used to delimit independence. I also claim that dominant groups will be most amenable to accepting multiculturalism if it does not alter the existing power praxis, and even reinforces the authority of the bearers of power. In areas of the world where multiculturalism is perceived as granting minorities too much power, it has been and will continue to be outright rejected. Moreover, I contend that minorities are not powerless and can effectively mobilize to acquire greater rights by engaging in ‘counterpower’. Ultimately, I conclude that the realistic prospects of diffusing multiculturalism, in light of the analysis of power, are poor, since in many areas of the world, authorities have too strong a grasp on power, and the counterpower of the masses is concordantly too weak. In this respect, a focus on the concept of power with regard to the adoption of multiculturalism reflects the political reality.

Cultural policy research typically emphasises national and local policies in its studies, while studies of subnational and regional policies tend to be less common. Between the levels of country and city, however, there is a vast array of cultural policy-types that is often cast aside or underrepresented in the literature – this, despite the fact that a number of prominent subnational governments of national minorities have been extremely active in developing their own cultural policies and institutions. Unlike their national or local counterparts, however, these subnational governments often contend with an additional layer of complexity when developing cultural policies, as their history and their population differ from that of their country’s cultural majority – which often leads to a different understanding and appreciation of their cultural identity and sense of nationalism. It is with this complexity and difference in mind that this thesis examines the cultural policies developed and implemented by subnational governments expressing a different national identity from that of their country – in particular, the Canadian province of Québec, the United Kingdom nation of Scotland, and the Spanish region of Catalonia – with the purpose of exploring the ways in which cultural policies are used to shape and influence a sense of cultural identity. Drawing on the economies of worth framework elaborated by Boltanski and Thévenot and the theory of governmentality developed by Foucault, this thesis developed a type analysis of cultural policy for national minorities as a means of exploring not only the ways in which their policies differ from that of their majority counterparts, but to offer a unique understanding of their culture and cultural/social predicament. Through its type analysis, this thesis found that the cultural policies of national minorities exhibited a unique trend in terms of: their application of the cultural industries as vehicles for the development and growth of their cultural/national identities; their support of culture and art as drivers of economic development and social cohesion; and their appraisal of artists and cultural producers as symbolic and literal ambassadors of cultural identity both nationally and internationally. More specifically, far from simply introducing policies that endeavour to preserve and protect cultural traditions and heritages as it has long been suspected, national minorities are developing policies that emphasise the creative aspects of culture and seek to grow their cultures identities through the production and dissemination of new works or forms of culture and art. In other words, the cultural policies of national minorities exhibit a discursive temporality: there is an acute awareness and appreciations of the culture of the past, juxtaposed by approaches to culture that seek to ensure the culture continues (and evolves) beyond the present.

Using transcribed data from six Spanish-English bilingual children (1;8 to 3;3) from the Perez corpus in the CHILDES database, this thesis examines Parental Discourse Strategies (PDS) used to influence child language use in a minority language context (Spanish in the United States). PDS (Lanza, 1992; 1997) are situated within a language socialization framework (Ochs & Schieffelin, 2011) and can be viewed as part of the emerging field of family language policy (King & Fogle, 2013; Schwartz, 2010). This study looked at the overall language use, including the frequency and complexity, of English, Spanish, and mixed utterances by each parent and child in the corpus. The presence and rate of use of the PDS was calculated, as well as their successfulness in encouraging the children to use the minority language, as measured by the language of response to each PDS found. These strategies have been placed on a monolingual to bilingual continuum (Lanza, 1992) based on their expected success in influencing a child to use the language preferred by their parent. Results from a descriptive quantitative analysis of the data at the group and individual levels generally support the Parental Discourse Hypothesis, that is, the claim that certain strategies are more effective than others. Interestingly, it was found that the more successful strategies were used less frequently by the parents, while the less successful ones were more common. This apparent contradiction can be explained by conflicting pressure on parents to promote minority language use while also keeping fluid communication and preserving family harmony. This is discussed and further supported by some qualitative observations of child responses within discourse samples, highlighting children’s role as agents capable of negotiating their own linguistic socialization.

The aim of this thesis is to describe and evaluate a current coexistence of Vietnamese minority with Czech society and via this example to illustrate and identify principles of coexistence of minorities with majority in general. The scope of this paper contains a field research focused on the integration process of Vietnamese community into the Czech society. The results are then evaluated according to the recent studies. Finally the results of the empirical research are reviewed and summarized into a description of an integration process of the Vietnamese community into the Czech society. The partial aim of this thesis is to review updated document - Foreigners integration concept.

The treatment of minorities by different states gains scholarly attention in the recent years. This thesis attempts to define the necessary criteria for a state to have in order for its treatment of minorities to be acceptable by the international society. There are three major parts of the thesis. It starts with a thorough investigation of legal dimension of minority rights. The thesis formulates the criteria that a state should meet in the field of national and international law regarding minority rights. The second part investigates the political dimension of the issue. The analysis of political dimension describes the interaction of governments with minorities and the factors influencing the success of minorities in achieving their demands. In the final part of the thesis, the criteria formulated in legal and political dimensions are applied to the case of the Kurdish minority in Turkey. The position of Kurdish minority in the society is unique because of the Turkish state's assimilationist policies towards ethnic minorities till very recent years. The minority rights defined by international society were, therefore, not recognized in Turkey. However, the situation has recently changed. The current government ruled by Justice and Development Party has applied numerous democratization reforms that normalize the position of minorities. The Kurdish minority is not discriminated against as much as it was in the past. In addition to the analysis of the current state of minority rights in Turkey, the thesis proposes opportunities for improvement in the future.