Frühe postoperative Vollbelastung nach Sprunggelenksfrakturen Höde N, Ahrberg A, Josten C Fragestellung: Laut Leitlinien der DGU soll es nach einer operativ versorgten Sprunggelenksfraktur zur Frühmobilisation kommen. In Literatur und Lehrbüchern wird jedoch häufig eine p.o. Ruhigstellung im Gips oder Cast bis zu 6 Wochen empfohlen. Bei den eigenen Patienten erfolgt nach Versorgung einer Malleolarfraktur (AO 44 B oder C) ab dem 1. p.o. Tag eine schmerzorientierte Vollbelastung mit AirCast®-Schiene. Kommt es unter dieser frühen Vollbelastung zu einer erhöhten Komplikationsrate wie Materialversagen? Oder überwiegen die Vorteile durch das Vermeiden immobilisationsbedingter Komplikationen wie Thrombosen? Methodik Im Rahmen einer retrospektiven Studie wurden 82 Patienten (w:m = 47:35, 20-84 Jahre, Median 51 Jahre) eingeschlossen. Der Nachuntersuchungszeitraum betrug 5 - 68 Monate (Median 34,5 Monate). Nach der AO-Klassifikation lagen 46 (56,1%) B1-Frakturen, 15 (18,3%) B2-Frakturen, 12 (14,6%) B3-Frakturen und 9 (11%) C-Frakturen vor. Ausschlusskriterien waren Einschränkungen der aktiven Mobilisation durch Vorerkrankungen oder weitere Verletzungen sowie die Versorgung mit einer Stellschraube. Die Patienten wurden klinisch anhand des AOFAS-Scores nachuntersucht, es erfolgte eine radiologische Kontrolle und die Erfassung peri- und postoperativer Komplikationen wie Thrombosen, Infekte, Materialversagen und verzögerte Frakturheilung/Pseudarthrosen. Ergebnisse und Schlussfolgerung Der durchschnittliche Punktwert für den AOFAS Score beträgt für alle Patienten 89,38 Punkte (35-100, Median 98) und für den Score nach Olerud und Molander 85,24 Punkte (15-100, Median 95). Insgesamt traten neun (10,98%) Komplikationen auf: vier (4,88%) oberflächliche Wundheilungsstörung, vier Wundinfektionen (4,88%), darunter zwei Schraubenlockerungen (2,44%) und eine Redislokation nach erneutem Distorsionstrauma (1,22%). Weiteres Materialversagen oder Thrombosen traten nicht auf. Die frühe postoperative Vollbelastung führt nicht zu einer erhöhten Komplikationsrate, die beschriebenen Infekte sind mit der Vollbelastung zu assoziieren. Immobilisationsbedingte Komplikationen werden vermieden, der Patient kann schneller mobilisiert werden. Daher ist eine Ruhigstellung nach operativ versorgten Malleolarfrakturen nicht zu empfehlen.

Addiction has been a global health crisis over recent decades and worsened substantially during COVID-19 lockdowns. We report on the development, validation, and findings from an instrument developed to assess the readiness of churches in the Appalachian Highlands to address addiction. The Church Addiction Response Scale (CARS) is a 41-item, three section measure assessing “What are your views about addiction?” (14 items), “What are your views about interacting with people who are addicted to drugs?” (11 items), and “What do you think the church’s role is in addressing addiction?” (16 items). The CARS was found to be unidimensional with strong internal consistency and initial evidence of construct validity was positive. Most respondents reported willingness to assist people living with addiction, but many reported that they felt underprepared, thus were not ready. Areas of preparation were largely those that could be addressed through training, such as understanding the physiology and psychology of addiction, available treatment options, and how to avoid doing harm. Thus, with adequate training, the likelihood of equipping a church-based workforce to provide support for people living with addiction seems attainable.

This diploma thesis deals with functional disorders of the musculoskeletal system. It discusses the possible causing factors of these disorders, their manifestations on the body, diagnostics and the possibilities of influencing them. Since this is a very common phenomenon on the human body, I chose mainly the muscle, fascia and joint structure, which I explored and described in more depth. The experimental part of this work aims to demonstrate the possible impact of the intervention of the 1.-3. ribs and claviculosternal joint as described by Ludmila Mojžíšová on the muscles of the neck (m. scalenus anterior, medius and sternocleidomastoideus). To obtain results, I used the ultrasound examination of the diameter of these muscles and Visual analogue scale (VAS) to obtain pain values before and after the intervention using this method. Title: Problematics of musculoskeletal dysfunction and chains Objectives: The first goal of this paper is to collect currently recognized sources about musculoscletal functional disorders. I have described origins of this kind of problems, manifestation of these disorders and kinds of therapy. I've focused on functional disorders of muscle, fascia and joint. Second goal of this thesis is to evaluate a top-rated Prague rehabilitation school's method. Part of Prague...

The institutional, electoral and ethnic factors contributing to electoral violence have well been documented through both quantitative and qualitative research, while the mobilization process for electoral violence has been examined qualitatively. This study aims to contribute to quantitative research on factors that explain why citizens turn into perpetrators of electoral violence by examining how education can contribute to a decrease in electoral violence through the question: How does the level of education influence the occurrence of electoral violence? Given the presence of disinformation about elections during the electoral cycle, this research asserts that education contributes to a decrease in electoral violence by decreasing the acceptance of disinformation about elections. The hypothesis is tested through a large-N study on sub-national data of elections organized between 2004 and 2012 worldwide. The study’s results identify no support for the hypothesized association between education and election violence.

The mass character of political mobilization is not the only measure for the strength of civil society. It turns out that, in post-communist countries including the Czech Republic, transaction capacity became the characteristic of protest movements and initiatives. It referrs to the ability to cooperate, take advantage of inter-organizational network and share resources and know how. These transactions, to a certain extent, compensate for poor mobilization capacity, which is typical for new transactional activism and civic self-organizations. The contrast between "old" social movements, episodic mass mobilisations, new transactional activism, along with civil self-organization, illustrated that even without mass mobilization a mature structure of civil society and advocacy organizations can emerge and operate. The year 1998 brought the beginning of favorable conditions for political activism. It turns out that the activity of the "old" activism decreases with the number of members of trade unions, which is typical for this mode. At the same time, people prefer forms of direct action and direct public protest. Using five selected case studies we described the nature of episodic mass mobilization, civil ad hoc and informal self-organization and new transactional activism,whose repertoire is besides petitions...

No description available.

This study aims to compare two Swedish Environmental Non-Governmental Organizations (ENGO:s) in relationship to their international establishment, for the purpose to gain a more nuanced knowledge of how they operate to achieve their goals, and a better understanding of the challenges and benefits the different international establishments can bring. We interviewed two ENGO:s, Naturskyddsföreningen and Jordens Vänner, on the basis of two main issues:- How can work to influence environmental policy differ between a Swedish ENGO and an international ENGO operating in Sweden?- What are the challenges and benefits of influencing Swedish environmental policy for ENGO:s in Sweden that are different internationally established?This study used the method of Most Similar System Design to answer the main issues in the selection of cases, and further a semi-structured interview was used to collect empirical data. The main theory to analyse the data drew from Beyers (2004) conceptualisation of mobilization strategies in from of access and voice.The empirical study shows that the difference in international establishments indeed brings both challenges and advantages to the ENGO:s operationalization. The Swedish established Naturskyddsföreningen could engage in a more local matter, were they influenced both members to be more active and local politicians and political decision-makers. But the inefficient way to combine both access and voice proved to be a challenge in articulating certain core issues. The international established Jordens Vänner showed a different way of conducting environmental policy, by using their international networks as a way of influencing the policy process. But restrains from their internationally management proved limit the space and possibility to operate.Keywords: NGO, ENGO, environmental governance, policy process, mobilization strategies, institutional actors, local engagement, networks

Le Massachusetts, colonie fondée et exclusivement dirigée jusqu’en 1684 par des Puritains organisés en Églises congrégationalistes, est le dernier État à supprimer l’impôt pour le culte de son texte constitutionnel. Bien que les critères de citoyenneté élargissent le droit de vote dès la fin du XVIIIe siècle, la nature des liens entre Églises et État demeure jusqu’en 1829 une question qui mobilise les citoyens du Massachusetts au travers de leur appartenance à une Église. Cette logique d’Église s’impose quelles que puissent être les autres convictions personnelles. Par conséquent, le Massachusetts, dont la majorité des Églises relève toujours du système congrégationaliste en 1829 – contrairement à un paysage religieux beaucoup plus diversifié dans les autres États – s’en tient au statu quo sur l’impôt cultuel (et l’obligation d’assistance au culte, inscrite dans sa Constitution) jusqu’au début des années 1830. L’objectif de cette thèse est de montrer que la campagne de pétitions de 1829-1832 demandant l’abrogation de l’impôt cultuel constitue une démarche citoyenne et personnelle qui s’affranchit non seulement des logiques partisanes mais plus encore de tout cadre confessionnel. / The Massachusetts Bay Colony was founded by Puritans and up to 1684 only men who had been accepted into a Church covenant could vote. The Massachusetts churches were organized in a congregational system which remained the main denomination in the State until 1833, the end of our period of study. Even though the right to vote was extended at the end of the 17th century, the citizens’ position on the relation between Church and State remained that of their Church. Thus, in spite of opposition from the Baptists, who were only a small minority when the citizens ratified the Constitution in 1780, the Massachusetts Constitution allowed towns to tax residents in order to support churches and ministers. Up to 1829, despite the proliferation of religious denominations, there was no public debate about the church tax beyond the circle of church leaders. No record exists of any petition or bill emanating from private citizens to abolish the tax. However, all the other States in the Union had already abolished the system. The aim of this thesis is to show that the 1829-1832 campaign of petitions calling for the end of the church tax was the result of popular and individual activity which had freed itself from any political or Church discipline.

Background: In order to create and grow a successful start-up, entrepreneurs need a variety of resources. To obtain these easier, many entrepreneurs move to entrepreneurial ecosystems (EE), where resources are abundant and more accessible. Moreover, being close to target markets gets less relevant, as globalization and digitalization enable one to easily sell products and services worldwide. As a result, we can observe a new phenomenon that we call starling entrepreneurs. These are foreign entrepreneurs moving to an EE to benefit from its resources in order to serve one or various foreign markets. They are different from existing concepts in literature as they do not specifically come to the EE to enter the local market. Additionally, they are newcomers and foreigners in the EE, lacking local embeddedness. Purpose: Our purpose is to build a theory on how starling entrepreneurs navigate the new EE and mobilize resources. This way, we introduce the concept of starling entrepreneurs to the entrepreneurship literature. Method: We took a qualitative approach to this research. It is designed as an explorative single case study and situated in the context of the EE in Lisbon, Portugal. For data analysis, we chose the Gioia method for grounded analysis. Conclusion: The results show that starling entrepreneurs navigate the EE by integrating themselves during the first weeks and building the foundation to access resources. We call this building a new nest. They then leverage this nest to mobilize the resources within the EE. However, to our surprise, we also acknowledged that starling entrepreneurs preserve nests abroad to mobilize resources outside the EE. Our study contributes to knowledge on how resources are mobilized within EEs and how networks of weak ties enable entrepreneurs to get access to a large resource pool. It gives practical implications for starlings who thrive to get a competitive advantage by mobilizing a wide range of resources, as well as policymakers who want to attract starling entrepreneurs.

In 2017, the far right populist, transnational movement “Generation Identity” (GI) embarked on an activist “mission” in the Mediterranean Sea to stop non-European migrants from reaching the European continent. This paper presents a study of how GI was able to do so, analysing the empowering network of support that evolved during the movement’s “Defend Europe” campaign. Its relevance arises from the globally growing assertiveness of populist actors, cooperating and shaping international politics together. However, studies on party politics and international interactions prevail in research on global populism -this paper is the first one to raise the question of how far right populist social movements interact in transnational networks. Applying a resource mobilization approach and drawing on transnational advocacy theory, I attempt to answer this question with a single case study on the German GI-branch’s networking activities during the Defend Europe campaign. The relational data collected shows that far right populists, too, engage in transnational advocacy efforts, and it appears that their populism does not visibly determine how their networks function. Rather, GI’s activism in “defensive mode” seems decisive for the movement’s transnational networking practices, limiting its possibilities to gain in political and societal influence.