Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The dawn of the genetic era has allowed for investigation of gene transfer therapy as a treatment for certain diseases. Fanconi anemia (FA) is a rare genetic disorder in which the majority of patients develops progressive bone marrow failure (BMF) and require bone marrow transplantation. A possible alternative treatment is autologous gene therapy; however, original clinical trials involving gene transfer for FA were unsuccessful. This has led to re-evaluation of the gene transfer protocols, the vectors and also a deeper investigation of the FA pathway itself. My work has focused on illuminating these areas to further advance gene transfer therapy for FA. Many gene transfer protocols require the hematopoietic stem and progenitor cells (HSC/HPC) to be collected and then transduced ex vivo. The most common collection method is mobilization of the HSC/HPC to the peripheral blood (PB) using granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF) and collection via apheresis. In FA patients G-CSF fails to mobilize a sufficient number of HSC/HPC. This has led to research into agents such as AMD3100, a CXCR4 antagonist, which may replace or augment G-CSF mobilization. These data show in two FA murine models that AMD3100 synergizes with G-CSF resulting in a significant increase in mobilization as compared to G-CSF alone. Previous work in our lab has shown that prototype foamy virus (FV) is an efficient gene transfer vector. Here a modified FV vector is used to transduce mobilized FA cells. The data indicate that long-term repopulating cells mobilized with both G-CSF and AMD3100 can be efficiently transduced by our FV vector. Clinically, FA is characterized mainly by BMF, but also by myelodysplasia (MDS) and acute myeloid leukemia (AML). However, current FA murine models do not display these disease phenotypes. These data show that double-mutant Fancc-/-;Fancg-/- mice spontaneously develop BMF, MDS and complex random chromosomal abnormalities that the single-mutant mice do not. Importantly, this model closely recapitulates the phenotypes found in FA patients and may be useful as a preclinical platform to evaluate the molecular pathogenesis of spontaneous BMF and MDS in FA and novel gene transfer protocols for FA.

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como finalidade analisar as experiências de mobilizações dos moradores da Favela da Rocinha, a partir do movimento associativo no período da ditadura militar até o final da década de 70. A pesquisa realizada foi de cunho qualitativo e o percurso metodológico adotado voltou-se para a análise bibliográfica, documental e oral, o que possibilitou ampliar o conhecimento sobre as experiências vividas pelos moradores da Rocinha durante o período em estudo, formas de resistência social que tinham como principal estratégia as mobilizações organizadas pelos moradores, por meio das associações de moradores, com vistas às reivindicações por acesso aos direitos em torno de melhores condições de moradia, bem como a luta contra as eminentes ameaças de remoções e outras formas de repressão características da relação Estado-favela nesse período. Baseado nos estudos da história oral, durante a pesquisa de campo foi possível a aproximação com os sujeitos da pesquisa, a partir da realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas, o que possibilitou o resgate de novos elementos da memória social de moradores que tiveram participação direta no movimento associativo e em outros espaços onde as mobilizações foram sendo organizadas no interior da favela, em resposta ao forte controle social exercido pelo Estado, sob a ótica dos militares. Um conjunto de instrumentos foram utilizados para o levantamento de dados da pesquisa, tendo como principais fontes o Sistema de Informações do Arquivo Nacional, o acervo do Museu Sankofa de História e Memória da Rocinha e a consulta de Jornais da época. Os dados documentais e orais permitiram uma melhor compreensão acerca das lutas faveladas, da dinâmica de controle adotada pelos militares nas diferentes esferas estatais e de suas ações como respostas ao dito problema das favelas no espaço urbano da Cidade, identificadas pela execução dos programas de remoções em grande escala direcionados a esses espaços. Espera-se que esta pesquisa possa contribuir para a preservação das memórias faveladas da Rocinha, da dinâmica de organização das estratégias de mobilizações e das lutas coletivas enquanto componente histórico. A pesquisa revela formas de resistência social e as reinvindicações de direitos historicamente negados aos favelados, pois o movimento de voltar ao passado nos permite uma melhor compreensão do presente e da possibilidade de construção de uma agenda política que nos ajuda a pensar a favela que queremos no futuro, onde a prioridade é o direito por meio de políticas públicas efetivas, nas quais sejam garantidos espaços de participação popular e de escuta dos saberes e conhecimentos produzidos pela favela. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the experiences of mobilizations of the residents of Favela da Rocinha, from the associative movement in the period of the Military Dictatorship until the end of the 70s. for bibliographical, documentary and oral analysis, which made it possible to increase knowledge about the experiences lived by Rocinha residents during the study period, forms of social resistance whose main strategy was the mobilizations organized by the residents, through the residents associations. , with a view to the demands for access to rights around better housing conditions, as well as the fight against the imminent threats of removals and other forms of repression characteristic of the State-slum relationship in this period. Based on studies of oral history, during the field research, it was possible to approach the research subjects, through semi-structured interviews, which enabled the rescue of new elements of the collective memory of residents who had direct and/or indirect in the associative movement and in other spaces where favela mobilizations were being organized inside the favela, in response to the strong control exercised by the State, from the perspective of the military. A set of instruments were used to collect research data, having as main sources the Information System of the National Archives, the collection of the Sankofa Museum of History and Memory of Rocinha and the consultation of newspapers of the time. Documentary and oral data allowed a better understanding of favela struggles, the control dynamics adopted by the military in different state spheres and their actions as responses to the so-called problem of favelas in the urban space of the City, identified by the execution of programs for large-scale removals directed to these spaces. It is hoped that this research can contribute to the preservation of Rocinha s favela memories, the organizational dynamics of mobilization strategies and collective struggles as a historical component. The research reveals forms of social resistance and the claims of rights historically denied to favelados, as the movement to go back to the past allows us a better understanding of the present and the possibility of building a political agenda that helps us think about the favela we want in the future, where the priority is the right through effective public policies, where spaces for popular participation and listening to the knowledge and knowledge produced by the favela are guaranteed.

[pt] O Brasil presenciou a partir da década de noventa a inclusão do combate à fome como uma questão prioritária da sua agenda política, tanto na esfera da sociedade civil, quanto na esfera do Estado. Em nenhum outro momento de sua história houve tamanha mobilização social e implementação de políticas públicas especificamente voltadas para o enfrentamento da miséria e do seu corolário mais perverso: a fome. Neste trabalho de pesquisa procuramos identificar e relatar as principais intervenções realizadas com este objetivo pelos diferentes atores sociais entre 1993 e 2003. De maneira específica, elegemos a Campanha da Ação da Cidadania, uma iniciativa da sociedade civil, e o Projeto Fome Zero, política prioritária do governo Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, como marcos referenciais deste período. Utilizando estas duas iniciativas como objetos empíricos desta nossa pesquisa, pudemos compreender os processos social, político e discursivo que caracterizaram este período como a década de combate à fome. / [en] In the early nineties Brazil presented and included the Fight Hunger principle in its political agenda. The principle was to be adopted by both civil society and the State. Never before in its history had Brazil witnessed such social mobilization which shook policies directed at fighting the most perverse form of misery: Hunger. In our research we attempt to identify the principles of intervention of different social actors between 1993 and 2003 related to the objective. Consequently we chose the Ação da Cidadania (Citizenship Action) campaign, a social initiative, and the Projeto Fome Zero (Project Zero Hunger) which was a political priority of the Luís Inácio Lula da Silva government, as key references in the studied period. Employing both these initiatives with empirical data for the research enabled us to understand the processes social, political and discursive which ultimately characterized the Fight Hunger decade.

Målet med studien var att låta tre autonoma ungdomsorganisationer (Megafonen,Pantrarna samt Rörelsen Gatans Röst och Ansikte) komma till tals angående sinaverksamheter. Organisationerna är etablerade i svenska förorter och arbetar för atthöja förortens status och att engagera ungdomar i det som påverkar deras liv ochnärområde. Frågeställningarna löd: Hur kan organisationernas verksamhet ochdess mål beskrivas? På vilket sätt kan organisationernas verksamhet tolkas somsocialt arbete? Genom intervjuer med de aktuella organisationerna samtdokumentanalys av nyhetsartiklar och hemsidematerial som organisationernamedverkat i eller själva producerat ville vi ta del av och framföraorganisationernas egna röster. Genom teorin om empowerment samt begreppetclaims-making fördjupades förståelsen för och förklaringen till organisationernasarbete och de sociala problem organisationerna framhåller. Organisationerna haren tydlig social och politisk agenda och betonar samhällets strukturer som orsaktill många förortsbors livssituation. De arbetar med egenformulerade socialaproblembilder som de vill aktualisera i samhällsdebatten. De vill ökamedborgarnas rättigheter och demokratiska inflytande och framförallt öka ochkanalisera ungdomarna i förorternas engagemang samt ge dem kunskap ochverktyg till att organisera sig. / The aim of the study was to let three autonomous youth organizations(Megafonen, Pantrarna and Rörelsen Gatans Röst och Ansikte) getting to talkregarding their activities. The organizations are established in Swedish suburbsand are working to raise suburban status and for involving young people in theissues that affect their lives and neighbourhoods. The question formulation was:How can the activity and the goals for the organizations be described? How canthe activities of the organizations be interpreted as social work? Throughinterviews with the organizations, and document analysis of the content of newsarticles and website that the organizations had been involved in, or produced, wewanted to take part in and present the organizations´ own voices. Through thetheory of empowerment and the concept of claims-making, the understanding ofthe explanation of the organizations´ work and the social problems theorganizations points out got deepened. The organizations have a clear social andpolitical agenda, and stress the understanding of the structure of society as thecause of the suburban residents´ life situation. They work with, by them,formulated set of social problems they want to update in the public debate. Theywant to increase the rights of the citizens and the democratic influence and aboveall increase and channel the engagement of the youth in the suburbs, and givethem the knowledge and tools to organize.

Disinformation campaigns are a growing threat towards democracy and a phenomenon that is important to understand in order to guard against. One part of the literature around disinformation campaigns that is as of yet not widely studied is how they can be connected to social movements. Previous research on this connection have shown that disinformation campaigns will tend to support social movements indirectly through the spread of disinformation which both amplifies the claims of the movement and attracts more mobilizers, which can lead to for example lessened trust towards institutions and thus a successful disinformation campaign. This paper analyses the case of the mobilization against the Swedish Social Services in order to see if this connection between the disinformation campaign and the social movement was present in this case as well. The findings made shows that the connection was not that of an indirect connection as have been observed in previous studies but rather one of direct cooperation. Furthermore, this paper also explores what factors allowed for both a disinformation campaign and mobilization against the Swedish Social Services to manifest.

Försvarsmaktens resa har fram tills nyligen präglats av att myndigheten krymper. Vi har sett hur invasionsförsvaret övergick till ett insatsförsvar som i större uträckning fokuserade på verksamhet utomlands Insatsförbanden utrustades med modern materiel som i de flesta fall var i bruk hela tiden. Materielen fanns hos förbanden. Med få insatsförband förfogade Försvarsmakten över en tillräcklig mängd fordon för att kunna förse alla insatsförband med den utrustning de skulle ha. Stegvis förändrades säkerhetsläget i Sveriges omgivning. Under 2014 skedde en stor förändring när Sveriges ÖB undertecknade ett värdlandsavtal med NATO. Avtalet innebär bland annat att NATO kan bistå Sveriges Försvarsmakt med materiel såsom fordon i händelse av kris eller krig. Olika styrdokument har efter hand växt i omfattning och präglas i hög grad av att Försvarsmakten använder sina egna fordon. Detta ligger till grund för den tekniska utbildning som Försvarsmakten nyttjar. Den tekniska officeren förlitar sig på att det finns anvisningar, utbildning och kurser, regler och tillvägagångssätt för många av de situationer som uppkommer inom den tekniska tjänsten, men vad händer om teknikern plötsligt befinner sig utanför de ordinarie ramarna och måste agera utan anvisningar och anpassade regler? Försvarsmakten är nu inne i ett annat skede för första gången på länge, den växer. Tillväxten innebär att Försvarsmakten inte har fordon i tillräcklig mängd för att fylla insatsförbanden. Lösningen på fordonsbristen är att man krigsplacerar civila fordon som man anser vara ändamålsenliga. I framtiden kan det alltså se annorlunda ut där den tekniska specialistofficeren plötsligt stöter på fordon som har tillförts från det civila samhället eller kanske genom värdlandsstöd. Kan Försvarsmakten behöva se över sin utbildning och sitt tillvägagångssätt, för att bättre fostra det tekniska skrået för att möta morgondagens materiel? I denna studie använder vi oss av en induktiv, kvalitativ studie med intervjuer och workshop som vi sedan analyserar med Grounded Theory. Vår teoretiska referensram är lärandet genom olika perspektiv. Resultatet av vår studie har vi belyst genom att konstruera en modell för att bättre utveckla och skapa riktade förutsättningar för att i slutändan producera tekniska officerare som har bättre förutsättningar att lyckas vid en mobilisering än vad dagens tekniker har. / Until recently, the journey of the Armed Forces has been characterized by the shrinking of the organization. We have seen how the old invasion defence transitioned to a smaller more mobile response defence that focused to a greater extent on activities abroad. The Quick Respond Units were equipped with modern equipment, which in most cases was in use all the time. The equipment was with the units. With few units, the Swedish Armed Forces had a sufficient number of vehicles to be able to supply all units with the equipment they would need. Gradually, the security situation in Sweden's surroundings changed. In 2014, a major change took place when Sweden's ÖB signed a host country agreement with NATO. The agreement means, among other things, that NATO can aid the Swedish Armed Forces with material such as vehicles in case of a crisis or war. Various governing documents have gradually grown in scope and are characterized to a considerable extent by the Armed Forces using their own vehicles. This is the basis for the technical training that the Armed Forces use. The Technical Officer relies on the existence of instructions, training and courses, rules and procedures for many of the situations that arise in the technical service, but what happens if the technician suddenly finds himself outside the normal framework and must act without instructions, regulations and adapted rules? The Armed Forces are now in a different stage for the first time in a long time, the Armed Forces are growing. The growth means that the Armed Forces do not have vehicles in sufficient quantity to fill the need for expanding number of units. The solution to the vehicle shortage is to deploy civilian vehicles that are considered fit for purpose. In the future, then, things may look different where the technical specialist officer suddenly comes across vehicles that have been supplied from civil society or perhaps through host country support. Could the Armed Forces need to review their training and approach, to better nurture the technical guild to meet the equipment of the future? In this study, we use an inductive, qualitative study with interviews and workshops, which we then analyse with Grounded Theory. Our theoretical frame of reference is learning through different perspectives. We have summarized the results of our study by constructing a model to better develop and create targeted conditions to ultimately produce technical officers who have better conditions to succeed in a mobilization than today's technicians have.

Bakgrund: Höftfrakturer hos äldre är ett vanligt hälsoproblem i Sverige och runt om i världen, vilket i många fall kan resultera i svåra komplikationer som i sin tur innebär längre sjukhusvistelser. Tidig mobilisering efter höftfrakturkirurgi är viktigt för en förbättrad återhämtning samt för att förebygga komplikationer. Rehabilitering syftar till att återställa den tidigare rörelseförmågan, men många patienter uppnår inte samma fullständiga aktivitetsnivå som de hade innan frakturen. Tidig mobilisering är en nyckelfaktor för att förbättra rehabiliteringen hos äldre patienter med höftfrakturer. Syfte: Syftet var att belysa faktorer som påverkar tidig mobilisering efter en höftfraktur hos äldre patienter. Metod: Studien genomfördes som en allmän litteraturstudie, baserad på nio vetenskapliga artiklar som valdes ut och granskades. Resultat: Tre kategorier identifierades, Begränsningar hos patienten, Drivkraft och rädslor samt Personalrelaterade faktorer. De främsta faktorerna som hindrar den tidiga mobiliseringen är kognitiv funktionsnedsättning, samtidiga ohälsotillstånd, rädslor och personalens förutfattade meningar. Patientdrivkrafter såsom motivation samt stöd och uppmuntran från personalen är fynd som bidrar till en framgångsrik mobilisering. Konklusion: Personal inom vården behöver tydliga riktlinjer och kunskap om tidig mobilisering efter höftfraktur, mer forskning kring sjuksköterskans roll vid tidig mobilisering behövs. / Background: Hip fractures in the elderly are a common health problem in Sweden and around the world, which in many cases can result in severe complications, which mean more extended hospital stays. Early mobilization after hip fracture surgery is essential for improving recovery and preventing complications. Rehabilitation aims to restore the patient’s previous mobility, but many patients do not achieve their whole pre-fracture activity level. Mobilization is crucial to improving rehabilitation for elderly patients with hip fractures. Aim: The aim was to investigate factors that influencing early mobilization after a hip fracture in elderly patients. Method: The study was conducted as a general literature study and nine articles were selected and reviewed. Results: Three categories were identified, Patient limitations, Drive and fears and Staff-related factors. The main factors preventing early mobilization are cognitive impairment, co-existing health conditions, fears and staff preconceptions. Patients’ drive such as motivation and support and encouragement from staff, are findings that contribute to successful mobilization. Conclusion: Healthcare professionals need clear guidelines and knowledge about early mobilization after hip fracture, and more research on the role of nurses in early mobilization is needed.

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