La littérature a souligné à quel point la mobilisation collective des professionnels dans le sens de la performance de leur organisation pose question. En effet, les auteurs sont partagés sur la compatibilité entre engagement envers l’organisation et engagement envers la profession. Cette thèse cherche à comprendre la mobilisation collective des professionnels envers la performance de leur organisation, en interrogeant leur représentation sociale de la performance organisationnelle. Notre étude interroge les enseignants-chercheurs des universités françaises, confrontés depuis plusieurs années à d’importantes réformes, qui ont mis en place un management basé sur la performance. Des logiques managériales ont alors pris place aux cotés des logiques professionnelles pré-existantes. Les résultats révèlent que les enseignants-chercheurs ont une représentation largement partagée de la performance de l’université, mais deux groupes s’opposent : un premier groupe, majoritaire, est favorable au concept de performance, et un deuxième groupe, minoritaire est défavorable. Dès lors, quatre profils de mobilisation collective émergent, révélant ainsi des hybridations identitaires distinctes. Ainsi, l’identité professionnelle des enseignants-chercheurs évolue. Ils s’identifient davantage à leur établissement et intègrent ses besoins. Toutefois, des résultats émergents soulignent que ces quatre profils de mobilisation sont plus ou moins soutenus par une forte mobilisation au service public et que les profils les plus mobilisés ont un besoin fort de reconnaissance organisationnelle / Literature emphasized how much the professional’s collective mobilization towards the performance of their organization is problematic. In fact, the authors have divided opinions about the compatibility between the professional commitment and the organizational commitment. This thesis seeks to understand the professional’s collective mobilization to their organization performance by asking the social representation of the organizational performance. Our study of quantitative and exploratory nature question the academics of the French University who are facing, since previous years, significant reforms which implemented a management approach based on the performance. Therefore, the managerial logics took a place beside the prevailing professional logics. The results reveal that the academics defined the performance of the university as being the scientific publications and the student’s integration into the workplace. In the face of this representation widely shared about the performance of the university, two opposing groups: the first one, the majority group, is favourable to the concept of the performance, and the second one, in the minority, is unfavourable. From then on, four different profiles of collective mobilization emerge from the results, thus, revealing different identity hybridizations. So, the academics’ professional identity evolves. They identify more to their institution and integrate its needs. However, the emerging results stress, on one hand, that these four mobilization profiles are, more and less, supported by a strong Public Service Motivation. On the other hand, the most mobilized profiles need a high organizational support

Cette thèse s’inscrit dans une démarche de « recherche-action » dans la mesure où la recherche a permis d’aboutir à la mise en place d’une action d’intervention auprès de collégiens démobilisés scolairement, de leurs parents et des enseignants, nommée « Temps de Réflexion sur l’Exclusion Scolaire », en partenariat avec plusieurs établissements médico-sociaux et collèges. Dans le cadre d’une perspective interactionniste (Wallon, 1959), nous nous interrogeons sur le rôle des parents dans la construction identitaire de l'adolescent considéré comme acteur de son propre développement, et dans les significations et les attitudes que celui-ci va attribuer en regard du monde scolaire. Nous avons ainsi retenu le concept d’engagement parental en référence à l’approche dimensionnelle de Deslandes et al. (2000), nous permettant ainsi de décrire les styles éducatifs parentaux et des modes de participation parentale au suivi scolaire (Cloutier, Fortin et al., 2005). Par ailleurs, les travaux de Charlot, Bautier et Rochex (1992) sur le rapport au savoir, nous ont permis d'appréhender le concept de mobilisation scolaire. Considérant l’estime de soi comme une dimension socio-affective de l’identité personnelle (Oubrayrie et al., 1994), nous l’opérationnalisons dans notre recherche comme une dimension médiatrice et explicative de l’influence de la représentation de l’engagement éducatif parental sur la mobilisation scolaire de l’adolescent. Nous faisons l’hypothèse selon laquelle la représentation de l’engagement éducatif parental par les adolescent(e)s scolarisé(e)s au collège, oriente leur estime de soi laquelle joue un rôle sur leur mobilisation scolaire. Une première étude exploratoire a été effectuée à partir d’entretiens semi-directifs en vue de construire une échelle de mobilisation scolaire donnant lieu à des analyses qualitatives (ALCESTE et N'VIVO). Une étude extensive nous a permis ensuite d’opérationnaliser les dimensions de l’étude : l’engagement éducatif parental, l’estime de soi et la mobilisation scolaire, auprès d’un échantillon de 405 adolescent(e)s, âgé(e)s de 11 à 15 ans, inscrits dans des collèges en filière générale. Une seconde étape a permis de valider toutes les échelles auprès de notre échantillon (mobilisation scolaire, estime de soi et engagement parental), en ayant recours aux analyses factorielles exploratoires, puis confirmatoires avec le modèle d’équations structurelles (LISREL). Des analyses de régression linéaire et des analyses de variance ont finalement permis de tester le sens de nos hypothèses. Les résultats confortent notre hypothèse selon laquelle l’estime de soi présente des effets médiateurs sur la relation entre l’engagement parental et la mobilisation scolaire. Ainsi, l’estime de soi socio-émotionnelle, suivi du soi scolaire médiatisent plus particulièrement la relation entre l’engagement éducatif parental (notamment la communication père-enseignants) et la mobilisation scolaire. Des vignettes cliniques permettent d’illustrer nos résultats, avec deux présentations de cas d’adolescents suivis en psychothérapie dont les problématiques identitaires, familiales et scolaires s’entrecroisent. / This thesis is a process of "action-research" in the sense that this research resulted in the establishment of an action for assistance to demobilized “college” secondary schools pupils, their parents and their teachers, called "Time for Thinking about School Exclusion, in partnership with several medical and social structures and “colleges”. Belonging to an interactionist perspective (Wallon, 1959), we question the part played by parents on the adolescent identity construction considered as an actor of his own development and on the meanings and behaviors he will assign to his school world. We have adopted the concept of parental involvement in reference to Deslandes et al. (2000) dimensional approach, allowing us to describe the parental educational styles and the different types of parental involvement in the schooling (Cloutier, Fortin et al, 2005). Moreover, Charlot, Bautier and Rochex (1992) studies on the relationship to knowledge have enabled us to define the concept of school mobilization. Considering self-esteem as a socio-emotional personal identity dimension (Oubrayrie et al., 1994), we operationalize it in our research as a dimension of explanatory and mediating influence of the representation of the educational parental involvement on the school mobilization of adolescents. We hypothesize that the representation of educational parental involvement by adolescents in “colleges” secondary schools, directs their self-esteem which plays a part on their school mobilization. A first exploratory study was carried out using semi-structured interviews to construct a scale of school mobilization leading to qualitative analysis (ALCESTE and N'VIVO). An extensive study has allowed us then to operationalize the dimensions of the study: parental involvement, self-esteem and school mobilization among a sample of 405 adolescents from 11 to 15 years old enrolled in “colleges” in general education. A second step validated all the scales from our sample (school mobilization, self-esteem and parental involvement), using exploratory factor analysis and the confirmatory structural equation model (LISREL). Linear regression analysis and ANOVA finally enabled us to test the direction of our hypotheses. The results support our hypothesis that self-esteem has mediating effects on the relationship between parental involvement and school mobilization. Thus, socio-emotional and school self-esteem specifically mediate the relationship between parental educational involvement (including communication father-teacher) and school mobilization. Clinical vignettes illustrate our results with two case reports of adolescents treated in psychotherapy whose issues of identity, family and school are mixed.

Au Pays Basque de France, le nombre de bascophones ne cesse de diminuer. Pour autant, les dernières enquêtes sociolinguistiques présentent, chez les plus jeunes générations, une progression du nombre de locuteurs. Ce phénomène est en grande partie lié à la scolarisation en basque qui ne cesse de se développer. Entre les rentrées scolaires de 2004 et de 2016, les trois filières principales de l'enseignement en basque (bilingue publique, bilingue privée et immersion en ikastola) ont connu une augmentation de leurs effectifs de 68% tandis que le nombre d'enfants scolarisés au Pays Basque de France n'augmentait que de 6%. À l'heure où les échanges mondiaux favorisent l'acquisition de langues internationales, le succès de l'apprentissage d'une langue régionale interroge. Dans le cadre d'une intervention sociologique (qui a consisté à réunir 5 fois, durant près de deux heures, 5 groupes d’une dizaine de participants), nous avons, avec des parents ayant scolarisé leurs enfants en basque, analysé leurs pratiques. Nous avons ainsi pu définir le sens social de ce choix qui leur semblait a priori évident et personnel. En plus d’une volonté de s'inscrire dans la transmission de cette langue identitaire ou du fait de bénéficier des avantages liés au bilinguisme précoce, les parents rencontrés donnent une dimension plus militante à leur choix, dimension sous-tendue notamment par des principes universels (égalité des langues, respect des cultures, préservation du patrimoine mondial, etc.). Mais cet engouement pour la scolarisation en basque peut aussi se comprendre comme la volonté d'être acteur d'un nouveau projet social. Il apparaît que le choix de la scolarisation en basque n’est pas porté par une seule motivation mais relève d'une expérience sociale qui combine ces différentes logiques d'action. Nous cherchons dans cette thèse à identifier et analyser la pluralité des motivations évoquées par les parents, et à comprendre les liens qui les unissent dans une même expérience sociale. / In French Basque Country, the number of Basque speakers keeps decreasing. Yet, the last socio-linguistic surveys show that the number of speakers increases among the youngest generations. Such a growth is partly related to the growing enrolment of children in schools in Basque. Between the school years 2004 and 2016, the three main branches of schooling in Basque (the public one, the private one, and the immersive one in ikastola) show a dramatic increase of 68% of the number of pupils in French Basque Country, whereas the total number of pupils increases by 6% only. While globalisation strengthens international languages, the growing popularity for placing young children in schools in Basque in order to acquire a regional language is challenging.Thanks to a sociological intervention (which consisted in bringing together 5 groups of about 10 parents, and meeting them 5 times each, for 2 hours) we co-analysed the practices of parents who decided to place their children in schools in Basque. This way, we defined the social meaning of their choice, which, at first, could appear obvious and personal to them.The parents involved in the sociological intervention want to take part in the transmission of an identity-sensitive language. They want to take advantage of an exposure to a bilingual learning from an early age. But they also show a sort of activism by assuming universal principals (such as equality between languages, respect for cultures, preservation of the world’s heritage, etc.). Finally, the will to take an active part in a new social project can also be considered as a driver of the desire to place their children in schools in Basque.It appears that the choice to place children in schools in Basque is never driven by a single reason only. The motivation stems from a sociological experience that articulates the different logics previously mentioned. Here, we look for identifying and analysing the diversity of the reasons the parents give, and understanding the system that relates those reasons in a same social experience.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar um aspecto particular na produção escrita de estudantes pré-universitários, a saber: a construção de pontos de vista e, especificamente, do ponto de vista dominante, em 270 redações do exame vestibular da FUVEST/2006. Como fundamentação teórica, tomo as redações de vestibular sob duas perspectivas: 1) a enunciativa, a fim de identificar os pontos de vista presentes no texto por meio da hierarquização dos diferentes enunciadores; e 2) a discursiva, que permite observar como os diferentes saberes, mobilizados pelo escrevente, intervêm nas ligações e nas fissuras argumentativas do texto para construir pontos de vista e, especificamente, o ponto de vista dominante. Por meio dessa abordagem, enunciativo-discursiva, identifico os posicionamentos enunciativos do escrevente e seus desdobramentos discursivos. A análise das redações que envolve a organização argumentativa interna ao texto e sua relação com os tipos de saberes mobilizados em sua construção exige dois procedimentos articulados: um olhar para redação de vestibular como gênero, acatando sua constituição heterogênea e suas regularidades na organização argumentativa do texto; outro olhar, para descrever os desdobramentos discursivos dessa organização, buscando nos modos de qualificação as representações dos posicionamentos do escrevente. Os resultados revelaram que o exame vestibular, concebido como um evento de letramento, comprova as relações dialógicas determinadas por uma situação de produção que é regulada socialmente. O escrevente, fruto da interação social, se apoia discursivamente nos saberes escolares e extraescolares por ele mobilizados e elege os elementos qualificadores como importante estratégia argumentativa na construção de pontos de vista e, primordialmente, na construção do ponto de vista dominante. A construção do ponto de vista dominante se estabelece a partir do diálogo com outros pontos de vista. O diálogo com os textos da coletânea do exame foi preponderante nessa construção e o recurso à mobilização de saberes de esferas diferentes das da coletânea fortaleceu o efeito polifônico da construção do ponto de vista dominante, mostrando que ela é resultado do modo como o escrevente lê e interpreta esses textos; moldado por suas práticas letradas escolares e extraescolares e regulado por suas representações. Esses fatos comprovam a importância do ensino e da aprendizagem da linguagem escrita por meio de um gênero, considerando seus aspectos enunciativos e discursivos. / This research has for objective to investigate a particular aspect in the written production of students who are going to take the exame for college entrance: the construction of points of view and, specifically, of the dominant point of view in 270 vestibularessays of FUVEST of the college entrance exam/2006. As a theoretical basis, I take the college entrance exam essays from two perspectives: 1) the enunciative, to identify the points of view in the text through the hierarchy of different enunciators, 2) the discursive, which will observe how the different knowledge, mobilized of different spheres of activities, intervine in the linkings involved in the fissures of the argumentative text to build points of views and, specifically, the dominant point of view. The analysis of the essays, which involves the internal organization of argument to the text and its relation to the types of knowledge mobilized in its construction, articulated requires two procedures: a look at writing as a genre, respecting its constitution and its heterogeneous regularities, and observing primarily the presence of qualifying elements, as argumentative strategy, another look, to describe the consequences of this discursive organization, looking at ways of qualifying the representations of the positions of the subject. The results revealed that the exame for college entrance, designed as a literacy event, proves the dialogical relations determined by a production situation that is socially regulated. The subject supports discursively on the school knowledge and extra-school knowledge mobilized by him and chooses the qualifying elements as important argumentative strategy in the construction of points of view and primarily in the construction of the dominant point of view. The dialogue with the texts supplied for the exame was predominant in this construction, showing that it is the result of how the subject reads and interprets these texts. It is shaped by their writing practices of which the students participated during his life as a subject and it is regulated by representations. These facts demonstrate the importance of teaching and learning of written language through a genre, considering its enunciative and discursive aspects.

O mercado de trabalho para os enfermeiros vem sofrendo mudanças, constatando-se que os profissionais têm ampliado seus papéis profissionais, requerendo que desenvolvam um leque maior de competências. Nesse contexto, este estudo objetivou caracterizar demograficamente os enfermeiros gestores de um serviço de medicina diagnóstica; identificar os perfis comportamentais e estilos de mobilização dos enfermeiros gestores; relacionar os perfis comportamentais com as competências individuais dos enfermeiros gestores, conforme definidas pela empresa; e, por fim, subsidiar políticas de treinamento e desenvolvimento de enfermeiros que atuam nesse setor. A investigação caracteriza-se como pesquisa exploratória, do tipo descritiva, desenvolvida na modalidade de estudo de caso. O cenário do estudo foi uma organização privada, prestadora de serviços de saúde, com a particularidade de atuar no campo da medicina diagnóstica. Os sujeitos da pesquisa foram constituídos pela totalidade dos 36 enfermeiros gestores atuantes nas unidades de atendimento, assessoria e diretoria de educação da empresa. A coleta de dados foi realizada em duas etapas, entre agosto e outubro de 2008. A primeira etapa consistiu de uma pesquisa documental. Na segunda etapa houve a aplicação de um questionário com questões norteadoras que permitissem caracterizar demograficamente os enfermeiros gestores e também foi entregue o questionário diagnóstico M.A.R.E.® das orientações motivacionais, visando identificar os perfis comportamentais e os estilos de mobilização dessas lideranças. Participaram do estudo 35 dentre os 36 gestores de enfermagem, representando 97,22% do grupo. O tratamento estatístico dos dados relacionados às respostas das questões desse instrumento permitiu apresentar os seguintes resultados: o estilo de mobilização com maior representatividade no grupo de gestores de enfermagem é o Negociador, totalizando 25,71%, o que representa nove gestores; seguido pelo Mantenedor, 17,14%, o que representa seis gestores; 14,29%, cinco gestores, têm estilo de mobilização Especialista; 14,29%, cinco gestores, têm estilo de mobilização Conquistador; 11,43%, quatro gestores, têm estilo de mobilização Realizador; 8,57%, representando três gestores, têm estilo de mobilização Competidor e, por fim, 8,57%, três gestores, têm estilo de mobilização Colaborador. Em relação às características de cada estilo, destaca-se que a competência inteligência emocional, ressaltada nos diferentes estilos de mobilização, é, e será sempre, um indicador de tendência e não algo que possa ser considerado adquirido. Considerando as características dos elementos específicos dos processos de trabalho, assistencial e gerencial, e a forte articulação que os mesmos devem ter entre si no trabalho desenvolvido pelo grupo de enfermeiros gestores, os dados do estudo revelam que os perfis de mobilização apresentados favorecem o desempenho das funções de liderança que são peculiares no serviço, bem como o atendimento de expectativas da empresa no alcance de metas. Cabe destacar que os pontos de fragilidade de cada perfil precisam continuamente de investimentos na forma de educação permanente, bem como os pontos fortes precisam de feedback constante por parte da cúpula que define metas estratégicas / The work market for the nurses is changing, confirming that the professionals have amplified their professional roles, requiring that they develop a higher gamma of competences. In this context, this study aimed to characterize demographically the managing nurses of diagnostic medicine service; identify the behavioral profiles and mobilization styles of the managing nurses; relate the behavioral profiles to the individual competences of the managing nurses; as defined by the company and, finally, finance policies of training and development of nurses, who act in this sector. The investigation is characterized as exploratory research, descriptive type, developed in the modality of case study. The setting of the study was a private organization, health services rendering company, with the particularity of acting in the diagnostic medicine field. The subjects of the research were constituted by the total of 36 managing nurses in the units of healthcare advisory and board of directors of education of the company. The data collection was performed in two steps, between August and October, 2008. The first step was constituted of documentary research. In the second step, there was an application of a questionnaire with guiding questions, which allow to characterize demographically the managing nurses and, also, was delivered the diagnostic questionnaire of the motivational guidance, aiming to identify the behavioral profiles and mobilization styles of these leaderships. Thirty-five out of 36 managing nurses participated in the study, representing 97,22% of the group. The statistical treatment of the data, related to the answers of the questions of this instrument allowed to present the following results: the mobilization style with higher representativity in the nursing managers group is the negotiator, totalizing 25,71%, which represents nine managers; followed by the supporter, 17,14%, which represents six managers; 14,29%, five managers have specialist mobilization style; 14,29%, five managers have conqueror mobilization style; 11,43%, four managers have creator mobilization style; 8,57%, representing three managers, have competitor mobilization style and, finally, 8,57%, three managers have cooperator mobilization style. Regarding to the characteristics of each style, it is highlighted that the competence emotional intelligence, underscored in the different mobilization styles is, and will always be, an indicative of trend and not something which may be deemed as acquired. Considering the specific elements characteristics of the work processes, attendance and managerial, and the strong articulation, which the same should have among themselves, in the work developed by the managing nurses group, the study data reveal that the mobilization profiles presented favor the development of the leadership functions, which are peculiar in the service, as well, the company expectations achievement, in the satisfaction of goals. It should be highlighted that the fragile points of each profile need continually of investments as permanent education, as well, the strong points need the constant feedback by the board of directors, which defines strategic goals

Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l’accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L’analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements récents. On voit apparaître une porosité entre les temps de guerre et de paix qui permet au rebelle de conserver un statut et à la rébellion d’évoluer sous l’effet conjugué des influences extérieures et de la créativité politique de ses acteurs. Au-delà de la temporalité du conflit s’est développé un répertoire culturel qu’on peut définir comme une culture politique rebelle. On montre d’abord qu’il existe depuis les premières rencontres avec la France une histoire de résistance qui s’inscrit dans un cadre politique plus complexe que généralement décrit et installe durablement une représentation du combattant. On voit ensuite que ces processus se réalisent dans la rébellion des années 1990, qui a mobilisé des combattants aux parcours sociologiques divers favorisant l’émergence de son influence après les accords de paix. Enfin, la rébellion et les rebelles en tant qu’acteurs politiques se pérennisent dans une culture politique, qui est renforcée par la voix de la diaspora et enfin par le monde occidental, dans un jeu de miroir constant et éminemment productif. Ce travail privilégie une « approche par le bas » qui situe les rebelles au centre des analyses. Au-delà du cas nigérien, cette approche critique les analyses unidimensionnelles des conflits dominantes dans le monde académique et les institutions du développement. / This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict’s timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990’s. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach “from below”, putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development.

O movimento zapatista tem dedicado espaço à luta das mulheres desde seu princípio em 1980, segundo o que se expressa em comunicados oficiais. O movimento nasce seguindo o modelo de guerrilha, porém, nos primeiros dias de combate cede à opinião pública, aceitando a via pacífica de mobilização política para alcançar seus objetivos, assumindo os modelos de reinvindicação dos Novos Movimentos Sociais. Desta forma, o objetivo desta pesquisa é entender o processo de mobilização e participação política das mulheres nas comunidades zapatistas. Mais especificamente, procuramos identificar o que mobilizou-as a participarem do movimento zapatista; entender o impacto que estas mulheres percebem em suas vidas e na vida de outras mulheres. Para tal entrevistamos quatro mulheres que se envolveram no movimento zapatista em diferentes níveis bem como as observações feitas em campo e analisamos seus discursos a partir das suas memórias. Para isso fizemos uma análise com base na Memória Coletiva, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) e Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); na participação e mobilização política, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) e Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); e as teorias feministas latino-americanas. Percebemos o entrelaçamento das memórias familiares dessas mulheres com fatos políticos marcados na história política recente do Estado mexicano, e os destaques de datas, personagens e lugares marcados na história política do movimento; as oportunidades políticas e as redes articuladas pelo movimento zapatista. Destaca-se como três dessas quatro mulheres conseguiram criar uma relação com as organizações de que fazem parte, de forma a realizar seus sonhos, mas sem se desvincular totalmente destas, o que parece ter contribuído para sua emancipação; bem como, as diretrizes do movimento influenciaram suas escolhas profissionais e pessoais, e seus avanços e críticas a partir dos feminismos / The Zapatista movement has been giving room to the women\'s fight since it\'s first begging in 1980.The movement was born designed by the guerrilla model, however, it was laid aside due to the pressure from public opinion, accepting the \"pacific path\" to reach it\'s goals, assuming the reimbursement models of the New Social Movements. Based on that, the general aim of this research is to understand the process of mobilization and politic participation of women in the Zapatist comunits; The specific goals are: to know what has mobilized women to be part of the Zapatista movement; to understand the impact of the movement felt on their lives and on the other women\'s lives. For this purpose, the reports of four women involved in different levels of the Zapatista movement were collected and analyzed, from their memories as well as field observations. For this we did an analysis based on Collective Memory, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) and Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); In participation and political mobilization, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) and Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); And feminist Latin American theories. The interweaving of these women\'s family memories with recent Mexican history political facts were seized and, besides that, dates, characters and places were highlighted and marked in the political history of the movement. Emphasis were given on how three of these four women were able to build a relationship with the organizations they are part of in order to realize their dreams while still being linked to them as well as the directives of the movement influenced their professional and personal choices and their advances and criticisms from feminisms

Submitted by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T12:51:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T12:52:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Cristina Ropero (ana@espm.br) on 2017-12-01T11:20:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-01T11:22:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / The aim of this research is to problematize the mediatic representation of contemporary mobilizations, through an object that we call body-multitude. Our problem is to understand which senses are produced, especially by the printed media, in relation to the multitudes that articulate themselves to resist the hegemonic. For this, we carried out a review of the literature, in order to constitute a cartography of the various concepts about human collectives, from Rome and Greece, to the present day. Since classical antiquity, significant parts of society have been kept apart from power and the state. In contemporary times, authors such as Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, Maurizio Lazzarato and Paolo Virno, based on the conception of Baruch de Espinoza, reflect on the mobilizations of the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries that confront the hegemonic, and conclude that these multitudes appear as a response and the possibility of new forms of democracy. From this perspective, the multitudes have in the body the essence of their nature, since it is from their plural and heterogeneous character that their biopotential emanates. In the past, the body, in its singularity, could resist and represent a collective - Gandhi and Mandela are both good examples. In postmodernity, its preponderance in the power relations remains, but mobilized to constitute with other bodies the biopotent multitude. To answer our research problem, we created a corpus with photographic images and texts from newspapers, magazines and alternative media that broadcast news about the demonstrations in Brazil in 2013 and 2016. To analyze it we fundamentally used the Theory-method of French discourse analysis, with emphasis on the intericonicity, device proposed by Courtine. The literature review and the corpus make it clear that the senses attributed to the multitude are unstable. Based on the findings, we conclude that, although the contemporary multitude is characterized by its plurality and heterogeneity, at all times there is a displacement of meanings, produced by textual-imagistic compositions, that bind it to previous conceptions and deny its nature and biopotential. The recurrence of these compositions was object of analysis which result is the proposal of six categories. The analysis also reveals an ontological impossibility of the imagetic representation of the multitude and that the printed media not only co-opts their discourses, but also produces meanings antagonistic to their nature, usually linking them to violence and to illegality and disqualifying their objectives. / O objetivo desta pesquisa é problematizar a representação midiática das mobilizações contemporâneas, por meio de um objeto que denominamos corpo-multidão. Nosso problema é compreender quais sentidos são produzidos, principalmente pela mídia impressa, em relação às multidões que se articulam para resistir ao hegemônico. Para tanto, realizamos uma revisão de literatura, a fim de constituir uma cartografia de conceitos sobre os coletivos humanos desenvolvidos por pesquisadores que se dedicaram ao tema, desde Roma e Grécia aos dias atuais. Desde a antiguidade clássica, numerosos grupos de pessoas foram mantidos à margem do poder e do Estado. Na contemporaneidade, autores como Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, Maurizio Lazzarato e Paolo Virno, partindo da conceituação de Baruch de Espinoza, refletem sobre as mobilizações, que confrontam o hegemônico no final do século XX e início do XXI, e concluem que essas multidões surgem como resposta e possibilidade de novas formas de democracia. Nessa perspectiva, as multidões têm no corpo a expressão de sua natureza, posto que é de seu caráter plural e heterogêneo que emana sua biopotência. Outrora o corpo, na sua singularidade, poderia resistir e representar um coletivo – Gandhi e Mandela, por exemplo. Na pós-modernidade, em contexto de centralidade da mídia, sua preponderância nas relações de poder permanece, mas mobilizado para constituir com outros corpos a multidão biopotente. Para responder ao problema da pesquisa, constituímos um corpus com imagens fotográficas e textos de jornais, revistas e mídia alternativa que veicularam notícias sobre as manifestações no Brasil em 2013 e em 2016. Para analisá-lo, utilizamos fundamentalmente a teoria-método da Análise de Discurso de Linha Francesa, com destaque para o conceito de intericonicidade proposto por Courtine. A revisão de literatura e o corpus evidenciam que os sentidos atribuídos à multidão são instáveis. Por meio dos achados, concluímos que, embora a multidão contemporânea seja caracterizada por sua pluralidade e heterogeneidade, a todo momento há deslocamento de sentidos, produzido por composições imagético-textuais que a vinculam a sentidos precedentes e silenciam sua natureza e biopotência. A recorrência dessas composições foi objeto de análise, cujos resultados levaram à proposição de seis categorias sobre os modos de produção de sentidos. A análise revela ainda haver uma impossibilidade ontológica da representação imagética das multidões, e que a mídia impressa não apenas coopta seus discursos, bem como produz sentidos antagônicos à sua natureza, normalmente dando ênfase à violência, à ilegalidade e desqualificando seus objetivos.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:43:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Emilie Faedo Della Giustina.pdf: 1936153 bytes, checksum: 700384cfe49f2f98d3f168c21195fc48 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this research is to analyze the process of mobilization and participation of organized segments of the civil society on the implementation of the policy for Food and Nutritional Security (Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional - SAN) in the municipality of Guarapuava-PR, in the sense of effectiveness of elements of the participative democracy. Due to the characteristics of the object of study, this is a qualitative research, of exploratory character, which used the following research instruments to reach its objective: review of literature; documental analysis; semi-structured interview; and content analysis. It was decided to interview representative subjects of the organized segments of the civil society who have been significant to the process experienced in the municipality and, besides them, representative subjects of the governmental sector who have contributed with their experiences in the research area. This study is organized into three chapters. The first chapter presents the contextual and legal marks for food and nutritional security in Brazil. It contextualizes the Brazilian social inequality and relates it to the issue of food and nutritional security, which is theoretically conceptualized and analyzed in its trajectory in Brazil. In the second chapter, as theoretical elements that surround the research field, there are presented the theoretical foundation about the civil society; the Gramsci’s conception of enlarged State; the participative democracy; and the issue of Brazilian democratization, which mixes participative and representative procedures. The third chapter analyzes, in the research’s empirical context, the process of mobilization and participation on the policy for Food and Nutritional Security in Guarapuava, identifying that it has been constituted a process contradictorily permeated by limits and potentialities. As well as in other areas of social policies, given the absence of actions of the governmental public power, the civil society has a few specific individualities that characterize its participation and mobilization around actions that enable the strengthening of access to the right to food. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o processo de mobilização e participação de segmentos organizados da sociedade civil na implantação da política de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) no município de Guarapuava-PR, no sentido de efetivação de elementos da democracia participativa. Em virtude da característica do objeto, trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, de caráter exploratório, que se utilizou dos seguintes instrumentos de pesquisa para o alcance deste objetivo: revisão de literatura, análise documental, entrevista semiestruturada e análise de conteúdo. Optou-se por entrevistar sujeitos representantes de segmentos organizados da sociedade civil significativos ao processo vivenciado no município e, além destes, representantes do setor governamental que também contribuíram com suas experiências na área pesquisada. O estudo está organizado em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo apresenta os marcos contextuais e legais da segurança alimentar e nutricional no Brasil, contextualizando a desigualdade social brasileira para então relacioná-la à questão da segurança alimentar e nutricional, a qual é conceituada teoricamente e analisada em sua trajetória no Brasil. No segundo capítulo, como elementos teóricos que cercam o campo de pesquisa, há a fundamentação teórica sobre a sociedade civil; a concepção gramsciana de Estado ampliado; a democracia participativa e a questão da democratização brasileira, que mescla procedimentos representativos e participativos. O terceiro capítulo analisa, no contexto empírico da pesquisa, o processo de mobilização e participação na SAN em Guarapuava, identificando que se trata de um processo contraditoriamente permeado por limites e potencialidades. Assim como em outras áreas das políticas sociais, diante da ausência de ações do poder público governamental, a sociedade civil possui algumas marcas específicas que caracterizam sua participação e mobilização em ações que possibilitam o fortalecimento do acesso ao direito à alimentação.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-06-26T14:35:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Renato de Oliveira Sagrera.pdf: 663142 bytes, checksum: 3f02ccde3554132655b230037641d22a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-26T14:35:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renato de Oliveira Sagrera.pdf: 663142 bytes, checksum: 3f02ccde3554132655b230037641d22a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-20 / Nenhuma / Esta pesquisa promove um resgate histórico dos principais acontecimentos midiáticos que caracterizaram a Cadeia da Legalidade, além de investigar a mobilização social proporcionada pelo movimento liderado por Leonel Brizola. Trata-se de uma coletânea de depoimentos de personalidades que participaram ativamente do processo comunicacional desencadeado durante o último levante promovido no Rio Grande do Sul. A partir de uma análise qualitativa dos materiais coletados, baseada na perspectiva do jornalismo que faz história, pretende-se reconstituir o ambiente midiático de agosto de 1961, e averiguar os segmentos sociais que acabaram sendo influenciados pelo poder do microfone, bem como o papel que o rádio exerceu durante o acontecimento. / This research promotes a historical major media events that characterized the Chain of Legality, besides investigating social mobilization afforded by the movement led by Brizola. It is a collection of testimonials from personalities who participated actively in the communication process initiated during the last uprising promoted in Rio Grande do Sul From a qualitative analysis of the collected material, based on the historical perspective of journalism, aims to reconstruct the media environment August 1961, and ascertain the social segments that eventually influenced by the power of the microphone, as well as the role that radio exercised during the event.