The aim of this is thesis is to study and understand the development within the gaming community in the latter half of 2014, where a harassment campaign against the female developer Zoe Quinn led to an industry-spanning controversy that divided large sections of the gaming community, and how this fed into a far-right radicalization of certain groups of young male gamers. This thesis focuses on the idea that the controversy in question helped mobilize these games into an online social movement that aimed to “take back our games” from the perceived outside threats of feminism and political correctness, and how they through that process became an easy target for assimilation within large far-right and white supremacist movements. To prove this, data have been collected from two points: from the comment section on YouTube of the pre-controversy 2013 trailer of the video game Wolfenstein: The New Order, and from the YouTube comment section of the post-controversy 2017 trailer of the sequel, Wolfenstein II: The New Colossus. These points have been chosen to interpret the difference in reaction between the two games, and whether or not the controversy had a mobilization and radicalizing influence. To study social movements, Sidney G. Tarrow’s definition of what a social movement is and contentious collective action will be the main theoretical thread of the thesis, but it will be supplemented with theories from W. Lance Bennet and Alexandra Segerberg’s study of online collective action, Cass R. Sunstein’s work on in-group radicalization, along with further theories.

Que traduit la hausse de la participation aux élections présidentielles françaises de 2007 et américaines 2008 ? À partir d’enquêtes électorales française, américaine et canadienne, notre étude met en lumière les changements d’attitudes politiques des citoyens survenus ces dernières années et la pratique croissante d’une participation intermittente et sélective. Ces changements qui résultent de logiques d’individualisation ont permis aux individus de s’extirper de contraintes d’appartenance sociale et de s’affranchir d’allégeances partisanes. Leur jugement se fonde désormais sur une évaluation des critères de l’offre électorale. L’individualisation des valeurs en politique se traduit notamment par une évolution du sens du vote et une hiérarchisation des scrutins. Les électeurs ne se délaissent pas les élections, ils choisissent simplement de participer autrement. Plus instruits, plus autonomes et plus critiques, ces citoyens prescrivent des changements profonds de l’offre. Afin de rallier le plus grand nombre de suffrages, les candidats se voient contraints d’adapter leurs dispositifs stratégiques aux évolutions des comportements politiques des citoyens : structuration des partis, modernisation des campagnes électorales, militantisme à « la carte », nouvelles formes d’engagement politique, usage de l’Internet. Tout est fait pour que le citoyen individualisé trouve dans ces manières de faire la politique les bonnes raisons de voter. / What does the increase of the voter turnout in the 2007 French and the 2008 American presidential election mean? With the French, American and Canadian surveys, we highlight the changes in the political attitude of the citizens occurred in recent years. The voters are now practicing an intermittent and selective voting. This changing political behavior reflects a growing individualization values in politics. They are making their mind up from an assessment of the electoral issues positions, an evolution of the meaning of the vote and, a priorization of elections. Voters are not leaving the polling stations, they are only choosing to participate in different way. More educated, autonomous and critical, the citizens require deep changes in the political evaluations. So, by winning number of votes, candidates have to adapt their strategical plan of actions by including the individualized behavior of the citizens : structuring the political party, modernizing the electoral campaigns, promoting a membership “à la carte”, developing new forms of political engagement, and using the Internet. Everything is done to increase the individualized citizens vote.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2016-07-01T20:42:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos, Luciana de Fatima Pinto.pdf: 1228564 bytes, checksum: 40b0731ac5fc4a8eb392d161fd5cf37f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2016-07-05T20:25:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos, Luciana de Fatima Pinto.pdf: 1228564 bytes, checksum: 40b0731ac5fc4a8eb392d161fd5cf37f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-05T20:25:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos, Luciana de Fatima Pinto.pdf: 1228564 bytes, checksum: 40b0731ac5fc4a8eb392d161fd5cf37f (MD5) / Analisar a contribuição de comunicadoras e comunicadores populares da Articulação Semiárido Brasileiro, ASA, para fortalecer o conceito de convivência com o Semiárido foi o objetivo central da pesquisa que desencadeou essa dissertação. A partir do estudo de caso, foi possível conhecer o perfil desses sujeitos, e entender como se apropriaram dos conceitos de convivência com o Semiárido e de comunicação popular, o que foi complementado pela percepção de seu papel junto à ASA. A análise do perfil das comunicadoras e comunicadores populares traduziu a importância da relação entre habilidades técnicas e sensibilidade política para o desenvolvimento de sua prática. A significação dada à convivência com o Semiárido é um importante definidor dos conteúdos de trabalho, e os valores da comunicação popular interferem no modo de atuar e na apreensão de seu papel. As atividades desenvolvidas pelas comunicadoras e comunicadores foram analisadas nas dimensões de acesso à informação; sistematização; disseminação; e formação. Esse conjunto de elementos demonstrou a capacidade de influência das comunicadoras e comunicadores populares sobre a ação comunicacional da ASA, à medida que contribuem com a ampliação do enfoque político da comunicação, intensificando o caráter de ruptura de estereótipos que a comunicação proposta pela ASA se dispõe. The main goal of this thesis is to analyze the contributions of popular communication agents at a Brazilian network entitled ASA (Mobilization for the Semiarid Region - Articulação Semiárido Brasileiro) aiming to strengthen the conceptual framework behind the expression “living in the Semiarid.” A case study was used as a tool to identify the profile of this group as well as to understand their level of ownership of the concepts of popular communication and living in the semiarid - complemented by how they perceive their role at ASA. The analysis of the profile of these communicators led to the understanding of the relationship between their technical skills and their political sensitivity in developing tasks. The meaning attributed to living in the Semiarid Region defines the work of the agents whereas the values of popular communication interfere in how they perform and understand their role. Issues, such as level of access to information; systematization; dissemination; and education were taken into consideration in the analysis of popular communication agents’ activities. The sum of these elements expressed the ability of these agents to influence communication actions at ASA – they contribute with the intensity of a more political focus in communication practices, which in turn promotes a disruption from stereotypes.

En interrogeant l’efficacité performative des « mots » comme composante essentielle des actes de langage, la thèse s’intéresse aux récits médiatiques qui concourent à la construction de figures héroïques qui participent au fondement discursif du lien social. À partir du parcours de S. Hessel comme figure tutélaire et du succès du livret Indignez-vous !, nous étudions la trajectoire publique du héros-résistant, les débats et les scènes médiatiques construits autour de sa figure. L’approche théorique et les méthodologies pluridisciplinaires empruntent à la sociologie et à la sémiotique qui s’interrogent sur la reproduction du lien social par la préfiguration, la configuration et la reconfiguration opérées par un récit. La considération philosophique et le regard en science politique convoquent l’analyse des concepts de dignité et ses représentations dans la mobilisation collective. Selon une approche en INFOCOM, nous questionnons la manière dont les médias traitent de la figure particulière de S. Hessel en lien avec le mouvement Les Indignés. La thèse démontre que le langage joue un rôle fondamental dans la construction de la représentation du social. Que le langage, du fait des « mémoires » qu’il véhicule, construit du lien social et donne du sens à la société. Nous établissons que le discours des médias est une passerelle entre le monde politique institutionnel et les mouvements sociaux qui incorporent les mots des médias dans une reprise incessante de figures et de légendes collectives qui circulent dans l'espace public. La thèse pose les bases d’une problématisation du rapport entre les discours des médias et les répertoires des discours de mobilisation collective. / By questioning the performative effectiveness of "words" as an essential component of speech acts, this thesis focuses on the media narratives that contribute to the construction of heroic figures, which participate in the discursive foundation of the social bond. From S. Hessel's journey as a tutelary figure and the success of the Indignez-vous! booklet, we study the public trajectory of the former resistance hero, in connection with stories, debates and media scenes that have been built and deployed around himself. The theoretical approach and multidisciplinary methodologies borrowed from sociology and semiotics, which question the reproduction of the social bond by prefiguring, configuring and reconfiguring a story. The philosophical consideration and the viewpoint in political science allow us to convene the analysis of the concepts of dignity and its representations in struggles of collective mobilization. Finally, according to an approach in information and communication sciences, we question how the media deal with the particular figure of S. Hessel in connection with the movement “Les Indignés”. This thesis demonstrates that language plays role in the construction of the representation of society. That language, because of the "memories" it conveys, builds social bonds and gives meaning to the members of a society. We establish that the media discourse is a bridge between the institutional political world and social movements that incorporate the words of the media in a relentless revival of collective figures and legends circulating in the public space.

Cette thèse s’appuie sur une série d’enquêtes qualitatives et quantitatives pour proposer une analyse systématique du rapport au politique des classes supérieures françaises. Notre hypothèse est que l’on peut mieux spécifier la manière dont les mieux dotés participent, opinent, et font valoir leurs intérêts, si l’on prend au sérieux tous les comportements qui ne collent pas avec la description usuelle d’une classe supérieure compétente, investie et intégrée politiquement. Ainsi, s’intéresser aux formes bourgeoises de scepticisme et de relâchement dans la participation conventionnelle autorise une compréhension plus fine du lien entre statut social et politisation. De même, être attentif aux ratés de la reproduction des préférences politiques révèle en creux ce qui, dans le fait d’appartenir aux classes supérieures, dispose au vote de droite. Enfin, nous préciserons les conditions de possibilité du pouvoir des classes supérieures en prenant pour objet les rendements incertains du capital social spécifique que constitue la proximité aux élus, d’une part, et les tentatives malheureuses de contrôle territorial, d’autre part. / This thesis is based on a series of qualitative and quantitative surveys. It provides a systematic analysis of French upper classes’ attitudes towards politics. I argue that behaviors that do not fit with the usual description of upper classes as politically competent, committed and well-represented should be taken into account. This approach allows a better understanding of how upper classes actually participate, make electoral choices and defend their interests. The thesis develops as follows. First, I show that investigating why bourgeois occasionally abstain from voting or avoid talking politics leads to a thorough comprehension of the link between social status and participation. Second, I provide evidence that the analysis of uncommon trajectories of members of the bourgeoisie who support left-wing parties indirectly reveals what makes the former more likely to be conservative voters. Third, I study how upper classes members use their proximity to politicians as a resource, and the risks they run by doing so. Finally, I study what happens when upper classes attempt to control space, but are deprived of politicians’ support.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Katia Pichelli.pdf: 873123 bytes, checksum: 41b4c4110c50cb7c838eb31b6e321f28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-20 / This dissertation has like its aim to analyze the communications role in the process of mobilization and transfer of environmental and forest technologies oriented to build sustainable development in rural settlements. The methodology used is the Case Study in a qualitative way, through direct observation, and has like its theoretical basis the Social Mobilization Theory from Bernardo Toro e Nísia Werneck (2004). The research used observation and interviews with extension agents and settled people in Bituruna (Paraná). They were asked about roles and levels of communication: micro (personal), macro (segmented public) and mass (media in general). This study shows the importance of communication and its tools to improve the process of technology transfer among settled people and extension agents. It also reveals the natural challenges of the communication process, besides the necessity of creating mechanisms to stimulate collective participation like something that can transform settled people in actors of their development. Therefore, it shows that communication can be better used in the mobilization process and must be inserted in the settlements working plans, in a dialogic and participative perspective. The communication can so create sense, build imaginaries to be achieved and effectively mobilize to sustainable development.(AU) / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o papel da comunicação no processo de mobilização e transferência de tecnologias florestais e ambientais em assentamentos rurais para o desenvolvimento sustentável. A metodologia utilizada é o Estudo de Caso, de natureza qualitativa, tendo como referencial teórico a Teoria da Mobilização Social, de Bernardo Toro e Nísia Werneck (2004), por meio de observação direta. Foram realizadas observações e entrevistas com técnicos extensionistas e assentados de Bituruna/PR sobre os papéis e níveis de comunicação: micro (pessoal), macro (público segmentado) e massa (mídia em geral). Este estudo mostra a importância da comunicação e de suas ferramentas para melhorar o processo de transferência de tecnologia entre assentados e técnicos extensionistas. Revela as dificuldades inerentes ao processo comunicativo, além da necessidade de criação de mecanismos de participação coletiva dos assentados para serem sujeitos de seu desenvolvimento. Desta forma, mostra que a comunicação pode ser melhor utilizada no processo de mobilização e precisa estar inserida no planejamento dos trabalhos realizados nos assentamentos, em uma perspectiva dialógica e participativa. A comunicação pode, então, criar sentido, formular imaginários a serem alcançados e, efetivamente, mobilizar para o desenvolvimento sustentável.(AU)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Anexos.pdf: 309123 bytes, checksum: 12d00008cccf30b6a205945e17b20c6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis describes and analyzes the Campaign Who Finances Baixaria is Against the Citizenship , in the period of 2002 the 2006. The research examines the strategies of the Campaign that has for objective the valuation of the human rights and the dignity of the citizen in the television programs. It observes its form of organization, social mobilization and influence in the improvement of the quality of the televising programming. It argues the paper of the State and the limits of the fiscalization. It investigates, still, the repercussion of the Campaign in the actions of being able constituted them: Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. One is about a Study of Case of qualitative nature. The strategies of communication and the actions of the Campaign mobilized the civil society, the media and the Public Department in favor of the quality of the programming. Sponsors were convinced to will not associate his marks to programs of doubtful quality. Senders of open television were punished and to even obliged it replace quality decrease programs by independent programs selected by the Collective Intervozes. In five years of action, the Campaign generated barely 30 thousand denunciations against the sordidness in the TV and provoked the change of the Indicative Classification for programs of television with the edition of the Entrance 264/07 of the Department of the Justice, published in the day 12 of February of 2007. To new Entrance establishes stricter rules for the sector, with criteria already adopted in others countries and comes provoking reactions of the businessmen of television. Finally, to research showed the difficulty of dialogue between the different sectors of the civil society with the businessmen of television and the Department of the Communications. It reveals, still, that the social control of the open TV is necessary for guarantee the quality of the programming in the television and that the social mobilization, when organized, produces results in aid of the public interest.(AU) / Esta dissertação descreve e analisa a Campanha Quem Financia a Baixaria é Contra a Cidadania , no período de 2002 a 2006. A pesquisa examina as estratégias da Campanha que tem por objetivo a valorização dos direitos humanos e a dignidade do cidadão nos programas de televisão. Observa sua forma de organização, mobilização social e influência na melhoria da qualidade da programação televisiva. Discute o papel do Estado e os limites da fiscalização. Investiga, ainda, a repercussão da Campanha nas ações dos poderes constituídos: Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. Trata-se de um Estudo de Caso de natureza qualitativa. As estratégias de comunicação e as ações da Campanha mobilizaram a sociedade civil, a mídia e o Ministério Público a favor da qualidade da programação. Patrocinadores foram convencidos a não associarem suas marcas a programas de qualidade duvidosa. Emissoras de televisão aberta foram punidas e até mesmo obrigadas a substituir programas de baixa qualidade por programas independentes selecionados pelo Coletivo Intervozes. Em cinco anos de atuação, a Campanha gerou quase 30 mil denúncias contra a baixaria na TV e provocou a mudança da Classificação Indicativa para programas de televisão com a edição da Portaria 264/07 do Ministério da Justiça, publicada no dia 12 de fevereiro de 2007. A nova Portaria estabelece regras mais rígidas para o setor, com critérios já adotados em outros países e vem provocando reações dos empresários de televisão. Finalmente, a pesquisa demonstrou a dificuldade de diálogo entre os diferentes setores da sociedade civil com os empresários de televisão e o Ministério das Comunicações. Revela, ainda, que o controle social da TV aberta é necessário para garantir a qualidade da programação na televisão e que a mobilização social, quando organizada, produz resultados em benefício do interesse público.(AU)

O objeto desta pesquisa é a comunicação no exercício profissional do assistente social, com vinculação direta à minha experiência profissional na coordenação do Núcleo de Mobilização Social, da Secretaria de Assistência Social de Belo Horizonte. Esta experiência de mobilização social ou, para alguns, de comunicação pública, iniciada em 1997, ainda que não seja hegemônica no modo petista de governar, tem se desenvolvido com resultados que demarcam a responsabilidade das políticas públicas com o direito da sociedade à informação. Nesta perspectiva, busco compreender o papel do assistente social neste processo, uma vez que a linguagem e o conhecimento são seus instrumentos de trabalho. Aprofundo a discussão conceitual das noções de Democracia, Cultura, Comunicações e Serviço Social, tendo por referência a teoria marxista e gramsciana. Discuto também a noção clássica de política pública social e de seu desenvolvimento no Brasil, com destaque para a política pública de Assistência Social, reconhecida como dever do Estado e direito do cidadão a partir da Constituição Federal Brasileira de 1988. Nas entrevistas realizadas, assistentes sociais, profissionais da mídia e usuários da Assistência Social apontaram suas percepções sobre a comunicação no exercício profissional do assistente social e ainda, dado a vinculação deste às políticas públicas, suas impressões a respeito. Ao final apresento a análise das questões apontadas pelos entrevistados, os limites e as possibilidades do campo e a necessidade de uma urgente inversão de paradigmas no setor das comunicações, em especial, da comunicação pública, que tenha por princípio a democracia como valor. / The research herein presented, which has as its main subject the communications in social workers professional practices, is strongly linked to my professional experience as a coordinator of the Social Mobilization Unit with the Municipal Secretary of Social Assistance of the City of Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais State, Brazil. Even though social mobilization or, for some, public communications, is not hegemonic in the Workers Party style of government, this experience, which started in 1997, has produced results that clearly signal the importance of public policies with regard to societys right to be kept informed.With this in mind, I tried to understand the role of the social worker in this process, as language and knowledge are the tools of their trade. I discuss in depth concepts regarding the notions of Democracy, Culture, Communications and Social Services with Marxist and Gramscian theories as references. I also discuss the classical notion of public social policy and its development in Brazil, with focus being mainly given to public policies on Social Assistance, recognized as a States duty and citizens rights according to the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution.Interviews with social workers, media professionals and social service users show their perceptions of communication in social workers professional practices and also show, given the fact that social workers have strong links to public policies, their impressions thereof. In the end I present an analysis not only of those questions posed by the interviewees, the limits and possibilities in this field, but also of the urgency for an inversion of paradigms in the communications sector, most especially in public communications, which shall, as a matter of principle, hold democracy as a value.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal estudar a entidade pública denominada Juventude Brasileira, existente durante o Estado Novo. Nela se inclui entender o papel emprestado aos jovens pelo governo ditatorial de Vargas, especialmente o de uma enorme massa de "jovens espíritos" que se podia "mobilizar" em benefício da Nação e do regime político vigente, em tempo de grave crise provocada pela II Guerra Mundial. É patente a influência de outras organizações juvenis controladas pelo Estado então existentes em diferentes países, mormente aqueles criados pelos regimes fascistas alemão, italiano e português. É, quanto a isso, um produto brasileiro adaptado ao espírito do tempo. Entretanto a versão brasileira não admitiu a feição germânica, em 1938, quando o Ministro da Justiça, Francisco Campos, apresentou o projeto original de sua criação, que era calcado na instrução militar. Do demorado debate havido entre as mais elevadas autoridades surgiu, em 1940, a forma definitiva, apresentada pelo Ministro da Educação Gustavo Capanema. A Juventude Brasileira perdeu assim o caráter militar original, sem exigir qualquer aparato burocrático especial, valendo-se da estrutura já existente, tornando-se uma organização educacional auxiliar que incluía todos os escolares entre os sete e os dezoito anos de idade. Tornou-se um instrumento importante nas mãos das autoridades como um elemento de mobilização social, com seus desfiles, de que muito se valeu a propaganda oficial. De um modo geral, a sociedade aceitou bem a Juventude Brasileira, que serviu também, de certo modo, como ponto de contato e diálogo com um governo autoritário. / This dissertation aims to study the public entity called "Juventude Brasileira", wich existed during the Estado Novo. This shall include understanding the role assigned to young people by the dictatorial government of Vargas, especially of a huge mass of "young minds" that could "mobilize" for the benefit of the nation and of the political regime in times of severe crisis caused by World War II. It is clear the influence of other youth organizations controlled by other States in another countries, especially those created by the German, Italian and portuguese fascist regimes. It is, for that matter, a Brazilian product adapted to the spirit of the time. However the Brazilian version did not accept the German feature in 1938, when the Minister of Justice Francisco Campos, presented the original project of its creation, which was modeled by the military education. From the long debate held between the higher authorities came in 1940, the final form, presented by the Minister of Education Gustavo Capanema. The Juventude Brasileira therefore lost the original military character, without requiring any special bureaucratic mechanism, making use of the existing structure, became an auxiliary educational organization that included all students between seven and eighteen years old. It has become an important tool in the hands of the authorities as an element of social mobilization, with their paredes, that worked much as official propaganda. In general, society accepted the "Juventude Brasileira", who also served as a bridge of contact and dialogue with an authoritarian government.

Orientadora: Profª Drª Neusa Serra / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2014. / Considerado um dos biomas com maior biodiversidade e também um dos mais ameaçados do mundo, a Mata Atlântica recebe grande atenção do movimento ambientalista brasileiro na luta por sua proteção. Neste universo, que é composto por diversos atores, destacam-se organizações da sociedade civil que se utilizam de ações de mobilização social como estratégias para alcançar seus objetivos. Com o crescimento do uso da internet e a emergência das redes sociais digitais, em especial o facebook, o movimento ambientalista encontra na rede mundial de computadores uma ferramenta ágil, de baixo custo e de grande alcance de públicos para otimizar suas ações de mobilização. Esta pesquisa tem, portanto, como objetivo principal, analisar o discurso voltado à mobilização social de organizações pró-Mata Atlântica realizado no facebook. A pesquisa apresenta também um panorama do movimento ambientalista no Brasil e no mundo; argumenta sobre a emergência da proteção da Mata Atlântica; discute sobre as transformações que o uso da internet acarretou nas formas de comunicação da contemporaneidade e apresenta as principais formas de ações de mobilização social de organizações pró-Mata Atlântica. A metodologia utilizada envolve revisão bibliográfica, pesquisa documental e análise do discurso nas páginas do facebook de cada organização. Com a análise do discurso verifica-se que as organizações estudadas utilizam-se do facebook para ações de mobilização social especialmente por meio do estímulo à criação de vínculos emocionais do público com as causas que defendem, incentivando a mudança de valores e comportamento. Conclui-se que a luta pela defesa da Mata Atlântica, por parte de algumas das organizações que têm essa missão, tem na atuação no facebook uma importante ferramenta para suas ações de mobilização social. / Considered one of the biomes with greatest biodiversity and also one of the most threatened of the world, the Mata Atlântica receives great attention in the struggle for its protection by the Brazilian environmentalism. In this universe, which is compound by several actors, there are detached organizations from the civil society that use social mobilization¿s actions as strategies to reach their goals. With the increase on internet¿s use and the emergence of digital social networks, especially the facebook, the environmentalist movement finds in the World Wide Web an agile, low cost tool, which provides great audience¿s reach, to optimize its actions of social mobilization. This research has, therefore, as its main objective, to analyze the discourse turned to social mobilization of pro Mata Atlântica¿s organizations, produced in the facebook. The research also presents a broad view of the environmentalist movement in Brazil and in the world; it argues about the Mata Atlântica¿s protection emergency; it discusses the transformations that the use of the internet caused in the communication¿s forms in the contemporaneity, and also presents the main forms of social mobilization¿s actions from pro Mata Atlântica organizations. The methodology that was used involves a bibliographical review, document research and discourse¿s analysis of the facebook¿s page of each organization. With the discourse¿s analysis, it¿s verified that the studied organizations use the facebook to actions of social mobilization, especially through stimulus to the creation of emotional bonds of the public with the causes they defend, encouraging the change in values and behavior. It is concluded that the struggle for the defense of Mata Atlântica, on the part of some of the organizations that have this mission, has in the facebook¿s actuation an important tool to its actions of social mobilization.