Members of the diaspora are conflict actors with an agency that is important to include in conflict theories and analysis of international relationships. Scholarship suggests its origins, and thereafter changes in the conflict cycle effect decision-making and mobilization in the diaspora, but the conditions and mechanisms that inform these processes are undertherorized. The Sri Lankan conflict and its Toronto based diasporas are used to explore processes of diasporization and mobilization in the context a changed political landscape. A series of semi-structured interviews and a short survey asks respondents to assess their motivations for mobilization. The comparative work is within and between ethnic groups. New Institutionalism underscores this project. Butler’s (2001) epistemology, Brinkerhoff’s (2005) identity-mobilization framework, the political process model and insights from the New Social Movement literature are used to situate politicized identities and political activism directed toward the homeland. Attention is paid to factor processes.

This thesis aims to analyze how low-income communities in Cali, Colombia, responded to the pressures and constraints of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis of 2020 and 2021. The emergency measures that the Colombian government implemented to contain the spread of the COVID-19 virus, such as lockdowns and quarantines, as well as the increase on violence from state actors and illegal armed organizations during the summer of 2021, put unprecedented pressures and constraints upon low-income communities in Cali. For this reason, this thesis investigates how civil society groups in low-income communities in the Highlands and in the Agua Blanca District in Cali organized and mobilized during the pandemic crisis to respond to these challenges. This thesis uses ethnographic methods to explore how low-income communities in Cali engaged in processes of social mobilization during the pandemic crisis, giving special attention to the neighbourhoods of Polvorines, Pampas del Mirador, Alto Jordan, and Potrero Grande. This thesis also investigates particular forms of social organization that low-income communities in Cali employed during the pandemic crisis, such as community kitchens.

This study explores how sustainability practitioners understand and engage with the subjective psychological dimensions of `social mobilization'. At this particular moment, there exists scant research into precisely how these dimensions are being theorized and incorporated into the practice of social mobilization, despite a growing recognition that environmental engagement necessarily involves the `inner life' of people--the complex and interconnected psycho-social influences on who we are and how we understand our world. Using a narrative methodology, I interviewed seven sustainability facilitators about how they are currently making meaning of social change and how subjectivity is represented within this. The analysis presents four distinct ways that psycho-social dimensions are being negotiated and related to in engagement work. This research indicates that being able to engage with subjectivity is not so much a technical skill that can be learned, but rather a new way of making meaning of the world, others, and oneself.

Women's organizations in informal settlements located in peri-urban areas of Peruvian Amazon cities have been carrying out programs for solving nutrition, food, health, and income generation problems in their communities. This is a way of women's local action of self-help and self-reliance to transform their marginalized ways of living. This study focuses on two factors in the scope of women's organizations: (1) to examine what causes household participation in women's organizations. (2) To explore what type of women's empowerment leads to social development, assuming that women go through a process of empowerment as a result of their participation in women's organizations. The study data consists of a case study in one informal settlement in Pucallpa, 9 de Octubre, and key-informant interviews of women participating in women's organizations, and life histories of four women leaders. The quantitative analysis focuses on three hypotheses: (1) Single women-headed households participate more frequently in women's organizations than men-headed households. (2) Households with children under six years old are more likely to participate in women's organizations than households without. (3) Households in remote locations of the informal settlement are more likely to participate in women's organizations. The qualitative analysis focuses in three areas: (1) women's roles as community managers, (2) women's organizations as agents to produce structural change and (3) the relationship between women's organizations and women's empowerment. Findings cast doubt upon the first hypothesis by showing that single women-headed households were not economically vulnerable as it was expected and that their participation in women's organizations was not as frequent as the participation of men-headed households. Furthermore, men-headed households seem to benefit more from women's organizations than single women-headed households. The presence of children does not predict participation in women's organizations. Also, it is interesting that households in more remote and inaccessible locations seem to participate more in women's organizations. The study develops the argument that women's organizations, which bring in knowledge and more than partial problem-solving solutions, contribute to women's empowerment and household change that lead to social development. The study concludes that the types of empowerment that lead to social development are the cultural, and social because they are the ones that are more effective in bringing changes at the household and community levels. However, the economic empowerment should not be disregarded and should be considered in the formula because it provides one of the prime needs of urban poor women: income in their household. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning

This bachelor thesis in sociology is based on participatory observation and interviews in Mauritius done by two Swedish students who are studying Social change and social sustainability at the University of Halmstad. The aim of this study was to understand the social conditions that affect the organization Young Queer Alliance and their work to monitor and secure human rights regarding discrimination against sexual orientation in Mauritius today. The aim was also to see if Young Queer Alliance has opportunities for change towards a more socially sustainable society regarding this discrimination. The material has been interpreted and analysed by us through Foucault’s theory of power (2008), Jönhill’s dichotomy inclusion/exclusion (2012) and social mobilization (Sundh & Turunen, 2000). In some sections, we have done parallels between Mauritius and Sweden. The result of the empirical collection is complex and multidimensional and showed that; homophobia, religions, traditions, heterosexual norms and government influence the social circumstances for the organization. Paradoxically, a new thinking generation is emerging influenced by globalization and its processes. The “not-knowing-mentality” causes discrimination and can be prevailed with education. The thesis concludes that; the mentality is based on traditional norms and is influenced by history. Our generation cannot change history, but the future is ours to write.

O objetivo desta investigação foi identificar alguns aspectos da perspectiva da população pouco escolarizada na análise sobre as políticas atuais de educação de jovens e adultos no Brasil, em relação com as dimensões de experiência, informação e interpretação. Trata-se de pesquisa qualitativa, de tipo estudo de caso instrumental, realizada no bairro Jardim João XXIII, no Distrito Raposo Tavares, pertencente à subprefeitura do Butantã, zona oeste do Município de São Paulo, capital paulista. Para a identificação dos informantes-chave de nossa pesquisa, recorremos à técnica da bola-de-neve, a partir da qual realizamos observações, diálogos informais e entrevistas. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada entre o segundo semestre de 2016 e o início de 2018. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo foram analisados a partir de sua relação com os indicadores sociais gerais, com a literatura do campo das políticas de EJA, sobretudo dos estudos de Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad e Maria Clara Di Pierro, no campo das políticas educacionais, especificamente no que tange à democratização do ensino e às potencialidades da instituição escolar, nortearam nossa análise os estudos de José Mário Pires Azanha e de Paulo Freire, no campo das discussões sobre território, recorremos às formulações de Milton Santos, e, sobre a relação entre Estado estrito e sociedade civil, nos reportamos à noção de senso comum, de Antonio Gramsci. Como conclusões de pesquisa, podemos destacar o não reconhecimento da população pouco escolarizada como sendo credora do Estado, relacionado à forte influência do senso comum, informado pela explicação folclórica da falta de interesse dos educandos; a ausência de comunicação institucional entre governos e a população sobre a oferta de cursos da modalidade como uma das manifestações da marginalidade da modalidade nas agendas governamentais e a premência da garantia de sobrevivência como principais fatores que incidem sobre a baixa procura pelos cursos da modalidade. Em relação à atuação da instituição escolar nesse contexto, permanece a limitação da atratividade de seus cursos, relacionada a fatores internos à instituição, como proposta curricular, organização dos tempos escolares e organização escolar, pouco sensível às condições de vida e expectativas dessa população. Considerando o conceito freireano de politicidade da educação, evidenciou-se a necessidade de que a instituição escolar e também os movimentos sociais vinculados ao direito a educação articulem-se de forma efetiva às lideranças locais e movimentos sociais de outras áreas, com o objetivo de subsidiar e mobilizar ações reivindicatórias de uma ação intersetorial sistemática por parte dos governos a fim de implementar uma política nacional de EJA que, sendo reflexo das necessidades das classes populares, torne-se de fato atrativa e ofereça condições de permanência aos educandos. / The purpose of this study was to examine some facets of the point of view of people with little formal education concerning the analysis of current education policies referred to theYouth and Adult Education (EJA acronym in Portuguese) program in Brazil with regard to the spheres ofknowledge acquisition, information and comprehension. We made use of an instrumental case study-like qualitative research, which was carried out in Jardim João XXIII, Raposo Tavares District, which is subordinated to the subprefecture of Butantã, located in the west side of the city of Sao Paulo. In order to obtain the key-informants of this research, we utilized the snowball sampling technique, from which we made observations, collected informal conversations and carried out interviews. The field research was held between the second semester of 2016 and the beginning of 2018. Its results werescrutinized starting from its relationship with overall social indicators, literature on Young and Adult Education policies, especially those related to Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad and Maria Clara Di Pierro referred to educational policies, mainly when it comes to the democratization of education and the potential of school institutions. Additionally, aiming to corroborate our study, we have supported it with works by José Mário Pires Azanha and Paulo Freire. In the field of discussions on territory, we havedrawn on the conceptualizations by Milton Santos; and finally, in terms of the relationship between the state in the strict sense and civil society, we have referred to theGramscian notion of common sense. In conclusion, we may emphasize the non-recognition of people with little formal education as being creditors of the state, which can be associated to the strong influence of common sense and corroborated by the fabricated reason why students do not get interested in education, not to mention the lack of institutional communication among the spheres of government and the populationinvolving the course offer of the above mentioned program as one of the expressions of the so-called unimportance of the referred educational program in political agendas and the sense of urgency of guarantee of survival as primaryaspects that influence the low demand of EJA courses. In respect to the engagement of the school institution in this scenario, the limitation of attractiveness of its courses related to internal elements encompassing that institution, such as syllabus,organization of school time and educational management, is not solidary to the living conditions and expectancies of the aforementioned population.By assuming Paulo Freires postulation on the politicity of education, it has become clear the urge of the school institution and social movements linked to the basic right to education to work together efficiently with local leaders and social movements from other regions in order to subsidize and bring to bear claims referred to an intersectoral and systematic action on the part of governments to implement a nationwide EJA policy, which, as a reflection of grassroot needs, really becomes attractive and provides continuity conditions to the students.

O objetivo desta investigação foi identificar alguns aspectos da perspectiva da população pouco escolarizada na análise sobre as políticas atuais de educação de jovens e adultos no Brasil, em relação com as dimensões de experiência, informação e interpretação. Trata-se de pesquisa qualitativa, de tipo estudo de caso instrumental, realizada no bairro Jardim João XXIII, no Distrito Raposo Tavares, pertencente à subprefeitura do Butantã, zona oeste do Município de São Paulo, capital paulista. Para a identificação dos informantes-chave de nossa pesquisa, recorremos à técnica da bola-de-neve, a partir da qual realizamos observações, diálogos informais e entrevistas. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada entre o segundo semestre de 2016 e o início de 2018. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo foram analisados a partir de sua relação com os indicadores sociais gerais, com a literatura do campo das políticas de EJA, sobretudo dos estudos de Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad e Maria Clara Di Pierro, no campo das políticas educacionais, especificamente no que tange à democratização do ensino e às potencialidades da instituição escolar, nortearam nossa análise os estudos de José Mário Pires Azanha e de Paulo Freire, no campo das discussões sobre território, recorremos às formulações de Milton Santos, e, sobre a relação entre Estado estrito e sociedade civil, nos reportamos à noção de senso comum, de Antonio Gramsci. Como conclusões de pesquisa, podemos destacar o não reconhecimento da população pouco escolarizada como sendo credora do Estado, relacionado à forte influência do senso comum, informado pela explicação folclórica da falta de interesse dos educandos; a ausência de comunicação institucional entre governos e a população sobre a oferta de cursos da modalidade como uma das manifestações da marginalidade da modalidade nas agendas governamentais e a premência da garantia de sobrevivência como principais fatores que incidem sobre a baixa procura pelos cursos da modalidade. Em relação à atuação da instituição escolar nesse contexto, permanece a limitação da atratividade de seus cursos, relacionada a fatores internos à instituição, como proposta curricular, organização dos tempos escolares e organização escolar, pouco sensível às condições de vida e expectativas dessa população. Considerando o conceito freireano de politicidade da educação, evidenciou-se a necessidade de que a instituição escolar e também os movimentos sociais vinculados ao direito a educação articulem-se de forma efetiva às lideranças locais e movimentos sociais de outras áreas, com o objetivo de subsidiar e mobilizar ações reivindicatórias de uma ação intersetorial sistemática por parte dos governos a fim de implementar uma política nacional de EJA que, sendo reflexo das necessidades das classes populares, torne-se de fato atrativa e ofereça condições de permanência aos educandos. / The purpose of this study was to examine some facets of the point of view of people with little formal education concerning the analysis of current education policies referred to theYouth and Adult Education (EJA acronym in Portuguese) program in Brazil with regard to the spheres ofknowledge acquisition, information and comprehension. We made use of an instrumental case study-like qualitative research, which was carried out in Jardim João XXIII, Raposo Tavares District, which is subordinated to the subprefecture of Butantã, located in the west side of the city of Sao Paulo. In order to obtain the key-informants of this research, we utilized the snowball sampling technique, from which we made observations, collected informal conversations and carried out interviews. The field research was held between the second semester of 2016 and the beginning of 2018. Its results werescrutinized starting from its relationship with overall social indicators, literature on Young and Adult Education policies, especially those related to Paulo Freire, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, Miguel Arroyo, Sérgio Haddad and Maria Clara Di Pierro referred to educational policies, mainly when it comes to the democratization of education and the potential of school institutions. Additionally, aiming to corroborate our study, we have supported it with works by José Mário Pires Azanha and Paulo Freire. In the field of discussions on territory, we havedrawn on the conceptualizations by Milton Santos; and finally, in terms of the relationship between the state in the strict sense and civil society, we have referred to theGramscian notion of common sense. In conclusion, we may emphasize the non-recognition of people with little formal education as being creditors of the state, which can be associated to the strong influence of common sense and corroborated by the fabricated reason why students do not get interested in education, not to mention the lack of institutional communication among the spheres of government and the populationinvolving the course offer of the above mentioned program as one of the expressions of the so-called unimportance of the referred educational program in political agendas and the sense of urgency of guarantee of survival as primaryaspects that influence the low demand of EJA courses. In respect to the engagement of the school institution in this scenario, the limitation of attractiveness of its courses related to internal elements encompassing that institution, such as syllabus,organization of school time and educational management, is not solidary to the living conditions and expectancies of the aforementioned population.By assuming Paulo Freires postulation on the politicity of education, it has become clear the urge of the school institution and social movements linked to the basic right to education to work together efficiently with local leaders and social movements from other regions in order to subsidize and bring to bear claims referred to an intersectoral and systematic action on the part of governments to implement a nationwide EJA policy, which, as a reflection of grassroot needs, really becomes attractive and provides continuity conditions to the students.

<p>The results and the analysis of this essay are based on an empirical study of women groups in Babati District in Tanzania from 2005. The study has shown that the reason for women in Babati to organize themselves is to overcome traditional and structural obstacles that restrict women’s economical integration. Through the creation of social networks and a common source of income within the group, women are trying to strengthen their position within the household and in society. The significance of empowerment on an individual level is the sense of abilities in everyday life and the feeling of increased options.</p><p>Social mobilization means that individuals come together and with united strengths and according to a common interest are trying to fulfil articulated goals. Local women groups in Babati and the social mobilization they constitute are seeking, through their agency to influence their social and economical situation. It can also mean challenging the structural conditions and increase women’s capacity of action. This kind of agency at a group level is extremely important for the capability of articulating own goals and creating prosperity, to feel in charge of one’s life conditions.</p><p>Aim: The aim for this study is, by using an empowerment approach to examine how women groups in Babati District in Tanzania organize themselves and how the members through their agency are influencing the social conditions and economical possibilities for women in the area. What are the effects of social mobilization in Babati for the individual woman? How can women’s agency contribute to structural changes and help women to overcome traditional obstacles?</p>

The results and the analysis of this essay are based on an empirical study of women groups in Babati District in Tanzania from 2005. The study has shown that the reason for women in Babati to organize themselves is to overcome traditional and structural obstacles that restrict women’s economical integration. Through the creation of social networks and a common source of income within the group, women are trying to strengthen their position within the household and in society. The significance of empowerment on an individual level is the sense of abilities in everyday life and the feeling of increased options. Social mobilization means that individuals come together and with united strengths and according to a common interest are trying to fulfil articulated goals. Local women groups in Babati and the social mobilization they constitute are seeking, through their agency to influence their social and economical situation. It can also mean challenging the structural conditions and increase women’s capacity of action. This kind of agency at a group level is extremely important for the capability of articulating own goals and creating prosperity, to feel in charge of one’s life conditions. Aim: The aim for this study is, by using an empowerment approach to examine how women groups in Babati District in Tanzania organize themselves and how the members through their agency are influencing the social conditions and economical possibilities for women in the area. What are the effects of social mobilization in Babati for the individual woman? How can women’s agency contribute to structural changes and help women to overcome traditional obstacles?

There is a substantial amount of studies concerning the economic, social and political facades of the gender issue, further supported by gender - space discussions. The main aim of this study, however, is to make a survey and analysis of ladies&#039 / clubs established and supported by Greater Ankara Municipality / in order to define their problematic. The study intends to discover and analyze the policies and legislation developed by the administration about Ladies&rsquo / Clubs, to map their distribution in the city and the attitudes and appraisals of women participating in the activities of the clubs located at the core of the city.