The aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse the voting restrictions of the Swedish franchise reform of 1909. These restrictions required that the voter should be a male of good repute, who had paid his national and local taxes for three years before the election year, had done his military service, had not been declared incapacitated or bankrupt nor owed society any poor relief. In practice, this meant that some 20% of the adult male population were excluded from voting. This study explores both the ideological beliefs and political strategies behind these restrictions, and how the system worked in practice at the national and local levels. Since earlier literature has paid scant attention to the voter’s status as a citizen, this dissertation uses citizenship as one of its analytical tools. Although often described as universal suffrage for men, the 1909 Electoral Law was thus less radical than is usually assumed. As you had to have fulfilled certain obligations as a citizen in order to vote, it is hard to say that voting was a right. A central role in formulating these new conditions was played by the Riksdag’s moderate Conservative group. The reform therefore had the potential to preserve the political influence of the Right in the age of mass democracy, not least as the question of the unrestricted franchise for men and women could be deferred. However, the 1909 Electoral Law was not only aimed at reducing the political influence of the lower classes, but the proponents of the system also wanted to educate the citizens ideologically by constructing an image of the ideal citizen as a self-supporting male, who fulfilled his obligations to society. The National Women’s Franchise Association, whose campaign demanded suffrage for women on the same conditions as men, therefore had to relate to a political discourse dominated by (male) civic virtues and qualifications, and argue that women made a major contribution by fulfilling their special obligations to society. Also, the tax payment and poor relief voting restrictions in the 1909 franchise reform had an impact on the way proposals for women’s right to vote were formulated. The Social Democrats, whose electorate was heavily affected by the taxpaying qualification, in their programme for a constitutional reform demanded that this particular restriction should be abolished. To limit the number of party voters excluded from the polls, Social Democratic newspapers and election offices tried to mobilise disenfranchised workers to appeal the electoral register and get back on it. Those activities, which have been largely neglected in earlier research on the history of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, came to constitute an important element in the party’s election campaigns during the 1910s. In Sweden, the poor relief voting restriction (the pauper exclusion) was applied in a much more general way than in other countries, disqualifying recipients of very small or provisional amounts that had not been repaid as well as family providers who had received poor relief because of family members. The rules also proved very difficult to put into practice. The Social Democrats and many Liberals, but also leading members of the Swedish Poor Relief Association wanted to reform the law so that only those permanently supported by poor relief should lose their right to vote. Unlike the Social Democrats, the Liberals supported the taxpaying qualification as a necessary token of orderliness. However, they wanted the conscientious poor taxpayers to be distinguished from those who were neglectful and dilatory. As the Liberal-Social Democratic coalition government, which came to power in 1917, found out, this proved impossible. Instead, the taxpaying qualification was abolished in connection with the 1918-1921 constitutional reform, which also gave women the vote and limited the poor relief voting restriction to those permanently receiving support. In sum, the 1909 franchise reform did not constitute a sharp divide between the old system of income and property qualifications and twentieth century democracy. There was a clear continuity with the former system, in which you earned the right to vote by fulfilling your obligations. The 1909 reform did not lead to universal suffrage for men. Instead, it should be regarded as an intermediate stage in the development towards universal suffrage. Property and income qualifications for voters were abolished, but new qualifications and new mechanisms for exclusion were introduced instead. In this respect, Sweden was not unique. Before adopting universal suffrage, many countries combined universal suffrage with various voting restrictions. In Sweden, however, the right to vote came with an unusually large number of conditions.

This study deals with the ethnopolitical mobilization among the Sami in Sweden during the first half of the 20th century. The investigation focus on why this mobilization took place, the demands the Sami made, and the strategies used to achieve these goals. Opposition towards the Swedish Sami policy was the most important reason for the political mobilization among the Sami. Both the formation of the Sami policy at the central administrative level, and the implementation of the policy at the regional and local level by the Lapp administration were criticised. During the first half of the period of investigation the Sami protests focused on policy decisions at central government level. During the later half of the period, it was the actions of the Lapp administration that triggered Sami activity. The central demands brought forward by the Sami movement concerned the position of the Sami in Swedish society. At the beginning of the period the Swedish Sami policy was based on the so called "Lapp shall remain Lapp" ideology. The Sami were looked upon as a reindeer herders by nature, who were weak and could not protect themselves against civilization, which was viewed as a threat to the cultural survival of the Sami. Therefore, they were to be protected by being segregated from the surrounding society. Only the reindeer herding Sami, however, were considered to be Sami which meant that a majority of the Sami population was not included in the Swedish Sami policy. A cultural boundary was drawn, which separated the Sami population into two large segments. Because of this, the main demands of the Sami movement were that the Sami should be granted an equal position in the Swedish society and that the Sami policy should include more aspects than just reindeer herding.Two main strategies were adopted by the Sami leaders to achieve the goals of the Sami movement. The first was to try to create a network of local Sami societies within a national Sami organization. As in Swedish society group interests were represented by a number of different organizations, Sami organizations were a precondition if the Sami were to be able to hold a dialogue with the Swedish authorities. However, during the period of investigation the Sami movement failed in its attempts to form a national Sami organization, which weakened the movement. The second strategy was directed at achieving more limited gains through goal-oriented actions, where the Sami were mobilized for shorter periods behind different demands. This second strategy was more successful during the period of investigation. However, ultimately the creation of a national Sami organization, was found to be a requirement if the Sami movement was to be able to influence the Swedish Sami policy. The formation of Svenska Samernas Riksförbund (National Union of the Swedish Sami) in 1950 was therefore an important step for the Sami movement.

The aims of the studies described in the thesis were to investigate different treatment strategies in chronic myeloid leukemia (CML) patients. Furthermore, activity of imatinib was investigated by in vitro cytotoxicity assay, and the gene expression pattern in interferon treated patients. In a randomized prospective national study, we examined the influence of busulphan (n=89) versus hydroxyurea (n=90) treatment on time to blast crisis, and survival. There was no significant difference in survival between hydroxyurea and busulphan treated patients; median survival was 3.5 and 3.2 years, respectively. The 26 patients who underwent allogeneic stem cell transplantation had a significantly longer median survival (4.7 years) than those who were not transplanted. We investigated the feasibility of mobilizing Philadelphia chromosome negative blood stem cells with intensive chemotherapy and lenograstim in CML patients. Twenty-three patients (62%) were successfully mobilized. Twenty-one of these patients underwent autologous stem cell transplantation later on, with a 5-year overall survival at 68%. Fluorometric Microculture Cytotoxicity Assay was used to analyze 32 tumor cell samples from CML patients, (26 chronic phase and 6 blast crisis). Imatinib showed a higher in vitro activity and more positive drug interactions in cells from blast crisis than from chronic phase. Interferon, daunorubicin and arsenic trioxide had the greatest benefit from a combination with imatinib. Microarray-based gene expression analyses were performed on diagnostic CML samples prior to interferon treatment. We identified six genes that were differentially expressed in responders and non-responders to interferon. It might prove possible to use gene expression analysis to predict future response to interferon.

Post-Soviet Azerbaijan is often portrayed as a very secular country. Thus the mobilization of mosque communities in the late 1990s and their conflictual relationship with the authorities came as a surprise. The main aim of the dissertation is to shed light on this mobilization, focusing on the Sunni Abu Bakr and the Shi’ite Juma mosque communities in Baku. On the premise that Islamic mobilization may be interpreted as a “social movement”, internal, contextual and interactional aspects of mobilization have been studied. The analysis is chiefly based on interviews conducted in Baku in 2004/2005 with Imams, worshippers, religious and secular authorities. The study finds that young people looking for new approaches to religion have been drawn to these communities, where they encounter an independent, educated, conscientious clergy and, indeed, a “new” religion. This “sovereign” Islam does not go down well with authorities who fear politicization of religion. The Soviet heritage has provided them with a view of religion as something that should not be publicly displayed and with the institutions to control religion. Another key feature whose impact on state policy towards religious organizations cannot be underestimated is the fear of imported radicalism. A look at Islamic mobilization in North Caucasus, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan reveals many similarities, yet one momentous difference is the harsher repression in these contexts, which decreases the chances of a non-radical mobilization. The thesis concludes that the role of the state in mobilization processes in non-democratic contexts is crucial but counterintuitive, as the regimes’ efforts to stop the mobilization of movements actually leads to its intensification. In Azerbaijan, official pressure brings community members closer together and strengthens their resolve, rather than putting an end to mobilization. It also puts a spotlight on these communities which lights up the way for others in search of something new.

Vid operation av primär total höftplastik finns det olika metoder för postoperativ smärtlindring. En tidigare genomförd studie på ett mellansvenskt sjukhus (nedan kallad ”höftprojektet”) visade att ”Local infiltration analgesia” (LIA) initialt minskade postoperativ smärta, underlättade mobilisering samt förkortade vårdtiden, jämfört med spinalt morfin. I denna studie genomfördes en långtidsuppföljning av höftprojektet med mätningar efter 6 respektive 12 veckor. Studiegruppen hade fått LIA vid operationsslutet och kontrollgruppen spinalt morfin. Båda grupperna hade en spinal bedövning under operationen. Denna långtidsuppföljning genomfördes med hjälp av journalgranskning och hade en deskriptiv och jämförande design med en kvantitativ ansats. Studiegruppen bestod av 40 patienter och kontrollgruppen 11 patienter. Studerade variabler var smärta mätt genom Visuell Analog Skala (VAS), behov av analgetika och mobilisering. Resultatet visade att det inte fanns någon signifikant skillnad mellan de båda grupperna när det gäller mobilisering under ett längre perspektiv. Det fanns dock en signifikant skillnad när det gäller smärta efter 3 månader, då studiegruppen uppgav en lägre grad av smärta än kontrollgruppen. / There are several methods for postoperative pain treatment after primary total hip replacement. It was shown in a earlier study at a Swedish hospital (below named as "the hip project") that "Local infiltration analgesia" (LIA) decreased pain, facilitated early postoperative mobility and earlier discharge from the hospital, compared with spinally administered morphine. Present study is a long term follow up of the hip project with two measures at 6 and 12 weeks. The study group was given LIA towards the end of the operation while the control group were given spinal morphine at the induction. Both groups had spinal analgesia during the surgery. The long term follow up was conducted by a comparative design and the data was collected from the patient’s charts and files. The variables were pain measured by Visual Analogous Scale (VAS), need of pain relieves and general mobility. The study group contained of 40 patients and the control group of 11. The result relived no significant differences between the two groups regarding long term mobility. There was, however, a significant difference in pain after 12 weeks; the study group had less pain that the control group.

In recent times, increasing instances of population displacement from many large dam construction projects have led to increase in anti-dam protest movements. But some of these protest movements are more successfully mobilized than others. The differences in success are largely due to the kind of political system they are based in. Studies show that formation and mobilization patterns of the protest movements are largely determined by the nature of state and its political system. However, there is lack of comparative study in this regard especially in the field of anti-dam protest movement. This thesis aims to fill that knowledge gap by comparing the anti-dam protest mobilization in Sardar Sarovar Dam, India and Three Gorges Dam, China. The Study finds that political structures have significant impact on anti-dam protest mobilization and citizens of democracy enjoy more freedom in anti-dam protest mobilization than those in authoritarian polity.

Obesity is a growing disorder in the United States, affecting over 60% of the population. We previously defined sympathetic nervous system (SNS) outflow from brain to white adipose tissue (WAT) using a viral transneuronal tract tracer. SNS innervation of WAT is the principle initiator of lipolysis, whereas decreases in sympathetic drive promote lipid accumulation. Which of the many origins of SNS outflow from brain to WAT results in SNS-mediated changes in lipid mobilization (increases in drive) or accumulation (decrease in drive) is unknown. Previous research indicates that sympathetic denervation blocks lipid mobilization; thus, rostral sites in the neuroaxis connected to WAT via the SNS may promote WAT lipid mobilization. The hypothalamic paraventricular nucleus (PVN) may play a role via its descending projections to the intermediolateral horn of the spinal cord. Therefore, the consequences of PVN lesions (PVNx) on WAT mobilization or accumulation were tested. PVNx resulted in increased lipid accumulation, indicated by increases in retroperitoneal (RWAT) , epididymal (EWAT) , and inguinal WAT (IWAT) pad masses, in fed hamsters, but PVNx did not block fasting (56 h)-induced lipid mobilization. Because adrenal medullary catecholamines, especially epinephrine, also play a minor role in lipid mobilization, we tested the contribution of catecholamine release on lipid mobilization through adrenal demedullation (ADMEDx), with and without PVNx, and found fastinginduced lipid mobilization was not blocked. There was, however, a suggestion that distal denervation of IWAT, with and without ADMEDx, partially blocked lipid mobilization. In addition, evidence suggests SNS also may be an important controller of fat cell proliferation. Surgical denervation of WAT triggers increases in fat cell number (FCN), but have not determined if this FCN increase is due to preadipocyte proliferation or differentiation of preadipocytes into mature fat cells. We also have not demonstrated what role sensory innervation may have in regulating white adipocyte proliferation. Therefore, the role of WAT sympathetic or sensory innervation on adipocyte proliferation was tested. The SNS but not sensory denervation triggered bona fide proliferation as indicated by bromodeoxyuridine plus AD3, a specific adipocyte membrane protein, colabeling. These and previous data suggest that the SNS plays a role in regulating adiposity.

This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.

In the 2004 Presidential Election social and wedge issues were among the most publicized mobilization tools utilized by the Bush Campaign. Specifically, same-sex marriage has been suggested as a key wedge issue that may have mobilized voters, although research differs on its impact. My contention is that these previous studies miss the point with regard to wedge issues, which is that they are useful on persuadable voters, and persuadable voters live in swing states. I estimate a logit model using 2004 American National Election Studies survey data. I utilize voters’ decisions to turn out as the dependent variable and control for respondents’ positions on terrorism, the economy, same-sex marriage, political interest, party identification, and socio-economic status. These findings demonstrate, consistent with my hypothesis, voters in swing same-sex marriage ballot measure states were more likely to turn out. These voters may not have been persuadable, but rather the Republican base.

For many years, election results from the countryside have been a big impact for the whole nation in Thailand. In the country or sub-urban side, Chao Pho (Godfather) manipulates the elections, leaving political parties meaningless. In order to take advantages from the election, political parties have to depend on Chao Pho because they are very close to ordinary citizens. Even though Chao Pho can operate local politics and can make country area for further development, they in the meantime have made degeneration and corruption in Thailand¡¦s politics. In addition, this thesis carefully studies Chao Pho¡¦s impact from both economic and political perspectives. In theory, economic development and political reform should generate impact on Chao Pho. But in Thailand¡¦s economic development, Chao Pho has gained enormous benefits, which in return help Chao Pho to gain political power, this means that Thailand¡¦s economic development is good for the Chao Pho. From point view of political reforms, the 1997 Constitution is designated to eliminate Chao Pho¡¦s influence. In fact, from the two elections after the 1997 Constitution, money politics is still popular in Thailand and Chao Pho is still influential. The Thai Rak Thai Party had successfully echoed the needs of the lower level people, but it still needs supports from Chao Pho during the elections, due to their abundant resources. Finally, this thesis argue that Chao Pho¡¦s political influence has not been weakened by the economic development and political reform, rather, Chao Pho continually becomes the most important political force in Thailand.