This thesis seeks to explore how humanitarian communication produces subjectivities for individuals. More specifically, it investigates how the innocent modern/colonial humanitarian subject is produced through appeals to emotions. To explore this phenomenon, this thesis develops a decolonial research approach grounded in epistemic disobedience. As such, it first disrupts the binary between rationality and emotions by focusing on the roles of compassion, anger and guilt in the making of the innocent humanitarian subject. Second, it presents autoethnography and storytelling as entry doors into disobeying the binary between subject and object of research. The analysis of the autoethnography is presented in different modes of analysis, between creative and more traditional social science writings. The analysis shows that guilt and knowledge permit to partially defeat the stance of innocence produced by humanitarian communication. Additionally, by recentring racism and European colonialism/imperialism as central to the study of humanitarianism, this thesis demonstrates the importance of adopting decolonial research strategies to defeat persisting structures of inequality.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-05-31T18:49:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - ?rsula Pinto Lopes de Farias.pdf: 1548937 bytes, checksum: 4f6a83d383cef67926cd9364af30bc4a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-31T18:49:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - ?rsula Pinto Lopes de Farias.pdf: 1548937 bytes, checksum: 4f6a83d383cef67926cd9364af30bc4a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-27 / CAPES / The teaching of african and african-brazilian history and culture became obligatory in Brazil as of promulgation of Law n? 10.639/2003, result of coordinated action of black social movements that gained strenght in post-military dictatorship in the country. The present dissertation talks about the implementation of the reffered law in the city of Belford Roxo, localted in the Metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro, with a specific angle to the early years. The principal objective of the search was analyze the position of the elementar school teachers (1? to 5? of elementar school), of public schools of Belford Roxo, in relation to ethnic and racial issues, as signaling the Law n? 10.639/2003. For that was analyzed the documents relating to the implementation activities of legislation in the city and the curriculum proposal. Beyond this documental analysis, two managers responsible for the implementation of the legislation, and fifteen early years teachers were interviewed, with a semi-structured questions technique. The collected data analysis was based on the theoretical framework structured on the position of authors which discuss about the relation between Modernity and Coloniality, and a critic interculturality. The search revealed that eurocentric point of the world interfere on the choices about the contentes, african history and the brazilian black people; Only after the law promulgation above, the early years teachers began to pay attention to the ethnic-racial relations and to the african continent and black people in our country history; the lack of formation and information, the racis and the religious prejudice are the main problems to the law implementation. Beyond these results, also it became evident the inductive role of the municipal board of education for the treatment of the issue. Although this role, the relationship with teachers, for the implementation of public policies on education, is weak and shows that it is far from democratic, because the teacher doesn?t participate in the discussion and implementation process, relegated him the executor role. So many questions were made in the course of this research and shows that others need to be made to we?ll understand the impact of the Law n?10.639/2003 on the brazilian education in all instances. / O ensino de hist?ria e cultura africana e afro-brasileira tornou-se obrigat?rio no Brasil a partir da promulga??o da Lei n? 10639/2003, fruto da articula??o dos movimentos sociais negros que ganharam for?a no per?odo p?s-ditadura militar no pa?s. A presente disserta??o trata da implementa??o da referida lei no munic?pio de Belford Roxo, localizado na regi?o metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro, com um olhar espec?fico para os anos iniciais. O objetivo principal da pesquisa foi analisar o posicionamento dos professores e professoras dos anos iniciais do ensino fundamental (1? ao 5? ano do ensino regular), da rede municipal de Belford Roxo, em rela??o as quest?es ?tnico-raciais, conforme sinaliza a Lei n? 10.639/2003. Para isso foram analisados documentos referentes ?s atividades de implementa??o da legisla??o no munic?pio e a Proposta Curricular. Al?m dessa an?lise documental dois gestores respons?veis pela implementa??o da legisla??o, em dois governos distintos, responderam a um question?rio semifechado, e foram entrevistados quinze docentes dos anos iniciais, com um instrumento de quest?es semiestruturadas, A an?lise dos dados coletados foi feita com base no referencial te?rico estruturado no posicionamento de autores que discutem a rela??o da Modernidade com a Colonialidade, e a interculturalidade cr?tica. A pesquisa revelou que uma vis?o euroc?ntrica do mundo interfere na escolha de conte?dos e na interpreta??o da hist?ria da ?frica e do negro no Brasil; somente a partir da promulga??o da lei supracitada, os docentes dos anos iniciais come?aram a atentar para as rela??es ?tnico-raciais e para a hist?ria do continente africano e dos negros em nosso pa?s; a falta de forma??o e informa??o, o racismo e o preconceito religioso s?o os principais problemas para a implementa??o da lei. Al?m desses resultados, tamb?m ficou evidente o papel indutor da secretaria municipal de educa??o para o tratamento dado a quest?o. Apesar desse papel, a rela??o com os docentes, para a implementa??o de pol?ticas p?blicas de educa??o, ? fr?gil e demonstra que est? longe de ser democr?tica, pois o docente n?o participa do processo de discuss?o e implementa??o, ficando a ele relegado o papel de executor. Muitas quest?es foram colocadas no decorrer dessa pesquisa e indicam que outras precisam ser feitas para entendermos o impacto da Lei n? 10639/2003 na educa??o brasileira em todas as suas inst?ncias.

Climate change is one of the greatest challenges currectly facing humanity. Its impacts lead to the displacement of people through sea level rise, desertification, drought, flood and other ecological disaster. The global imbalance of power results in people being unequally affected by climate change. This power imbalance affects the policy-making of intergovernmental institutions and knowledge production in policy processes. This thesis conducts a policy analysis to elaborate colonial continuities that influence knowledge production on migration and climate change. Therefore, the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration (GCM) is examined. The theoretical framework of the thesis draws on knowledge and power, modernity/coloniality, and racial capitalism. Findings suggest that the influences of colonial continuities on knowledge production about climate change and migration are reflected in underlying colonial epistemological and ontological assumptions, power structures and the hegemonic discourse. Alternative knowledges, such as those contributed by civil society actors are side-lined during the process and not included in the final document. The GCM does not consider the link between environmental change and racial capitalism or colonial power imbalance, but looks at only one of the adaptation strategies and presents it as a problem: human migration. Instead of addressing the root of the problem and holding polluting countries accountable for their inaction, the GCM focuses on migration control.

La présente étude constitue une analyse comparative de discours qui articulent la problématique de l’héritage coloniale et des réclamations autochtones au Chili et au Canada : des livres de texte de sciences sociales, des discours d’opinion et des discours autochtones. Nous proposons que les similitudes surprenantes qui ont été révélées par les contextes nationaux canadiens et chiliens peuvent être expliquées, en partie, par leur articulation avec le discours globalisé de la modernité/colonialité. D’une part, les textes scolaires et les discours d’opinion font circuler des éléments discursifs de la modernité, tout en reproduisant des formes de savoir et de dire coloniaux. D’autre part, les discours autochtones se ressemblent entre eux dans la mesure où ils interpolent la modernité/colonialité transformant ainsi les termes d’engagement interculturel. Bien que les états canadiens et chiliens renforcent leur engagement à l’égard de la réconciliation avec les Autochtones durant les dernières décennies, les conflits interculturels continuent à se produire en impliquant toujours les mêmes acteurs : l’état, différents peuples autochtones, des entreprises privées, ainsi que des membres de l’élite intellectuelle, politique et patronale. En prenant en compte cette situation, l’objectif de cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre pourquoi ces conflits, loin d’être résolus, continuent à se reproduire. Dans ces deux pays, la problématique des conflits interculturels est fondamentalement mise en rapport avec la question des droits territoriaux et, par conséquent, sont inséparables de la question de l’héritage coloniale des états nationaux canadien et chilien. Pourtant cette dimension coloniale des conflits a tendance à être cachée autant par la rhétorique multiculturelle du discours national que par les polarisations produites par l’opinion publique, lesquelles ont l’habitude d’encadrer la problématique par des notions binaires, telles que « civilisation/barbarie » ou « authenticité/illégitimité ». De plus, on peut considérer l’ouest du Canada et le sud du Chili comme étant des contextes comparables, puisque ceux-ci ont été colonisés avec la base du discours moderne du progrès et de la civilisation, qui a servi à légitimer l’expansion de l’état national au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, il n’existe que très peu d’études qui comparent les productions discursives relatives aux relations interculturelles entre Autochtones et non Autochtones dans les contextes canadiens et chiliens, possiblement à cause des différences linguistiques, sociohistoriques et politiques qui paraissent insurmontables. / The present study constitutes a comparative analysis of discourses that articulate issues related to both Indigenous land claims and the colonial legacy of Chile and Canada. Specifically, we analyze social science textbooks, opinion discourses and Indigenous discourses. Our analysis shows that there are striking similarities between the Canadian and Chilean national contexts. We propose that these can be explained, in part, by their relationship with the global discourse of modernity/coloniality. On the one hand, textbooks and opinion discourses circulate discursive features of modernity, thus reproducing colonial forms of knowledge and speaking. On the other hand, the Indigenous discourses we exam seem to resemble each other to the extent that they interpolate the discourse of modernity/coloniality, thereby transforming the terms of intercultural engagement. Despite efforts, in recent decades, by the Canadian and Chilean states towards reconciliation with Indigenous peoples, social conflicts persist, involving the same actors as always: the state, different indigenous communities, private companies, and intellectual, political and business elites. In light of this situation, this thesis aims to better understand why these conflicts, far from being resolved, continue to occur. In these two countries, the issue of intercultural conflict primarily invoves the question of land rights. In this sense, the reproduction of conflict is inseparable from the colonial legacy of the Canadian and Chilean national states. This colonial dimension of conflict, however, is usually made obscure by both the multicultural rhetoric of national discourse and the polarizations produced by public opinion discourses, both of which tend to frame the question of land rights in terms of binary notions, such as “civilization/barbarism”, or “authenticity/illegitimacy.” Furthermore, western Canada and southern Chile can be considered comparable contexts, as they were colonized on the basis of the modern discourses of progress and civilization, which served to legitimize the expansion of the nineteenth-century nation state. However, there are few studies comparing the discursive productions related to the intercultural relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians and Chileans. This is perhaps due to a perception of insurmountable linguistic, socio-historical and political differences between the two countries. / El presente estudio constituye un análisis comparado de discursos que articulan la problemática de la herencia colonial y de los reclamos indígenas en Chile y Canadá: libros de texto de ciencias sociales, discursos de opinión y discursos indígenas. Ahí se plantea que las similitudes sorprendentes que se han encontrado entre los contextos nacionales canadienses y chilenos pueden ser explicadas por su articulación con el discurso globalizado de la modernidad/colonialidad. Por un lado, los textos escolares y los discursos de opinión hacen circular rasgos discursivos de la modernidad, reproduciendo formas de saber y de decir coloniales. Por otro lado, los discursos indígenas se parecen entre sí en la medida en que interpolan la modernidad/colonialidad, transformando así los términos del compromiso intercultural. A pesar del esfuerzo de reconciliación de los estados canadiense y chileno con los pueblos indígenas en las últimas décadas, siguen produciéndose conflictos sociales, involucrando a los mismos actores de siempre: el estado, distintos pueblos indígenas, las empresas privadas y la elite intelectual, política y empresarial. Teniendo en cuenta esta situación, el objetivo de esta tesis apunta a entender mejor por qué estos conflictos, lejos de resolverse, continúan reproduciéndose. En estos dos países, la problemática de los conflictos interculturales está relacionada fundamentalmente con la cuestión de los derechos territoriales y, en consecuencia, son indesligables de la herencia colonial de los estados nacionales canadiense y chileno. Esta dimensión colonial de los conflictos, sin embargo, suele ser ocultada tanto por la retórica multicultural del discurso nacional como por las polarizaciones producidas por la opinión pública, las cuales tienden a enmarcar la problemática según nociones binarias, como la de “civilización/barbarie”, o “autenticidad/ilegitimidad”. Además, el oeste de Canadá y el sur de Chile pueden considerarse comparables, ya que fueron colonizados sobre la base del discurso moderno del progreso y la civilización, el cual sirvió para legitimar la expansión del estado nacional decimonónico. A pesar de esto, existen pocos estudios que comparen las producciones discursivas de las relaciones interculturales entre indígenas y no indígenas en los contextos canadienses y chilenos, posiblemente debido a las diferencias lingüísticas, sociohistóricas y políticas que parecieran insuperables.

La présente étude constitue une analyse comparative de discours qui articulent la problématique de l’héritage coloniale et des réclamations autochtones au Chili et au Canada : des livres de texte de sciences sociales, des discours d’opinion et des discours autochtones. Nous proposons que les similitudes surprenantes qui ont été révélées par les contextes nationaux canadiens et chiliens peuvent être expliquées, en partie, par leur articulation avec le discours globalisé de la modernité/colonialité. D’une part, les textes scolaires et les discours d’opinion font circuler des éléments discursifs de la modernité, tout en reproduisant des formes de savoir et de dire coloniaux. D’autre part, les discours autochtones se ressemblent entre eux dans la mesure où ils interpolent la modernité/colonialité transformant ainsi les termes d’engagement interculturel. Bien que les états canadiens et chiliens renforcent leur engagement à l’égard de la réconciliation avec les Autochtones durant les dernières décennies, les conflits interculturels continuent à se produire en impliquant toujours les mêmes acteurs : l’état, différents peuples autochtones, des entreprises privées, ainsi que des membres de l’élite intellectuelle, politique et patronale. En prenant en compte cette situation, l’objectif de cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre pourquoi ces conflits, loin d’être résolus, continuent à se reproduire. Dans ces deux pays, la problématique des conflits interculturels est fondamentalement mise en rapport avec la question des droits territoriaux et, par conséquent, sont inséparables de la question de l’héritage coloniale des états nationaux canadien et chilien. Pourtant cette dimension coloniale des conflits a tendance à être cachée autant par la rhétorique multiculturelle du discours national que par les polarisations produites par l’opinion publique, lesquelles ont l’habitude d’encadrer la problématique par des notions binaires, telles que « civilisation/barbarie » ou « authenticité/illégitimité ». De plus, on peut considérer l’ouest du Canada et le sud du Chili comme étant des contextes comparables, puisque ceux-ci ont été colonisés avec la base du discours moderne du progrès et de la civilisation, qui a servi à légitimer l’expansion de l’état national au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, il n’existe que très peu d’études qui comparent les productions discursives relatives aux relations interculturelles entre Autochtones et non Autochtones dans les contextes canadiens et chiliens, possiblement à cause des différences linguistiques, sociohistoriques et politiques qui paraissent insurmontables. / The present study constitutes a comparative analysis of discourses that articulate issues related to both Indigenous land claims and the colonial legacy of Chile and Canada. Specifically, we analyze social science textbooks, opinion discourses and Indigenous discourses. Our analysis shows that there are striking similarities between the Canadian and Chilean national contexts. We propose that these can be explained, in part, by their relationship with the global discourse of modernity/coloniality. On the one hand, textbooks and opinion discourses circulate discursive features of modernity, thus reproducing colonial forms of knowledge and speaking. On the other hand, the Indigenous discourses we exam seem to resemble each other to the extent that they interpolate the discourse of modernity/coloniality, thereby transforming the terms of intercultural engagement. Despite efforts, in recent decades, by the Canadian and Chilean states towards reconciliation with Indigenous peoples, social conflicts persist, involving the same actors as always: the state, different indigenous communities, private companies, and intellectual, political and business elites. In light of this situation, this thesis aims to better understand why these conflicts, far from being resolved, continue to occur. In these two countries, the issue of intercultural conflict primarily invoves the question of land rights. In this sense, the reproduction of conflict is inseparable from the colonial legacy of the Canadian and Chilean national states. This colonial dimension of conflict, however, is usually made obscure by both the multicultural rhetoric of national discourse and the polarizations produced by public opinion discourses, both of which tend to frame the question of land rights in terms of binary notions, such as “civilization/barbarism”, or “authenticity/illegitimacy.” Furthermore, western Canada and southern Chile can be considered comparable contexts, as they were colonized on the basis of the modern discourses of progress and civilization, which served to legitimize the expansion of the nineteenth-century nation state. However, there are few studies comparing the discursive productions related to the intercultural relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Canadians and Chileans. This is perhaps due to a perception of insurmountable linguistic, socio-historical and political differences between the two countries. / El presente estudio constituye un análisis comparado de discursos que articulan la problemática de la herencia colonial y de los reclamos indígenas en Chile y Canadá: libros de texto de ciencias sociales, discursos de opinión y discursos indígenas. Ahí se plantea que las similitudes sorprendentes que se han encontrado entre los contextos nacionales canadienses y chilenos pueden ser explicadas por su articulación con el discurso globalizado de la modernidad/colonialidad. Por un lado, los textos escolares y los discursos de opinión hacen circular rasgos discursivos de la modernidad, reproduciendo formas de saber y de decir coloniales. Por otro lado, los discursos indígenas se parecen entre sí en la medida en que interpolan la modernidad/colonialidad, transformando así los términos del compromiso intercultural. A pesar del esfuerzo de reconciliación de los estados canadiense y chileno con los pueblos indígenas en las últimas décadas, siguen produciéndose conflictos sociales, involucrando a los mismos actores de siempre: el estado, distintos pueblos indígenas, las empresas privadas y la elite intelectual, política y empresarial. Teniendo en cuenta esta situación, el objetivo de esta tesis apunta a entender mejor por qué estos conflictos, lejos de resolverse, continúan reproduciéndose. En estos dos países, la problemática de los conflictos interculturales está relacionada fundamentalmente con la cuestión de los derechos territoriales y, en consecuencia, son indesligables de la herencia colonial de los estados nacionales canadiense y chileno. Esta dimensión colonial de los conflictos, sin embargo, suele ser ocultada tanto por la retórica multicultural del discurso nacional como por las polarizaciones producidas por la opinión pública, las cuales tienden a enmarcar la problemática según nociones binarias, como la de “civilización/barbarie”, o “autenticidad/ilegitimidad”. Además, el oeste de Canadá y el sur de Chile pueden considerarse comparables, ya que fueron colonizados sobre la base del discurso moderno del progreso y la civilización, el cual sirvió para legitimar la expansión del estado nacional decimonónico. A pesar de esto, existen pocos estudios que comparen las producciones discursivas de las relaciones interculturales entre indígenas y no indígenas en los contextos canadienses y chilenos, posiblemente debido a las diferencias lingüísticas, sociohistóricas y políticas que parecieran insuperables.

For almost two decades, Coastal GasLink, with the support of the State of British Columbia (B.C.), Canada, has sought to build a hydrofracking gas pipeline, which would cross a large part of Wet’suwet’en Nation’s territories. Faced with this, the different clans that make up the Nation, under the governance system of the Hereditary Chiefs, have expressed their disagreement, demonstrating that the environmental assessment and decision-making processes overlooked their deep relationship with the Yintakh (their territory). Drawing on a methodological approach that involved visual ethnography and combined content and narrative analysis, my research aims to analyze the role that emotions play in the territorial-ontological conflict between the State of B.C., Coastal GasLink, and the Wet’suwet’en. The combination of content and narrative analysis helped decipher and understand how people express everyday practices and construct and perform their identity amid the conflict. In facing COVID-19 pandemic limitations, visual ethnography provided an alternative to fieldwork. Using online available audiovisual material, through which I was able to keep a phenomenological approach, I used my senses (visual and auditory) to analyze body movements, tone of voice, and language. The theoretical approach to the conflict was from that of political ontology and emotional political ecologies (EmPEs). To answer my first research question: how is the conflict of interest an ontological conflict? I articulate a framework made up of Ingold’s phenomenology, Blaser’s ontological conflicts, and Escobar's studies of culture as a radical difference. To answer my second research question: what is the role that emotions play in the conflict? I build on the spiderweb, a metaphor developed by Ingold, to expand the scope of González-Hidalgo’s emotional political ecologies. I demonstrate that the processes of political inter-subjectivation sought at the Unist’ot’en Healing Center help understand, on the one hand, the worry, frustration, and stress of the Wet'suwet'ens facing the world-creating practices of Coastal GasLink and the State of B.C. On the other hand, the Healing Center reveals how the affections for the other-than-human and their relational world inform Wet’suwet’en resistance. Lastly, I unveil how Coastal GasLink and the Ministry of Aboriginal Rights and Reconciliation, through discourses and practices of inclusion and gender equality, seek to blur radical cultural differences, delegitimize the Wet’suwet’en pre-colonial governance system, and create affections for the Western-modern world.

My study is a theoretical intervention of the South African contemporary visual art of Mary Sibande. It focuses on the figure of Sophie representing the maid in three series; namely, Sophie-Elsie, Sophie-Merica, and Sophie-Velucia. The study applies Frantz Fanon’s thought to the understanding of the figure of Sophie while emphasising the themes of naming, the human subject, and presence-absence. The theoretical framework of this thesis is a decolonial epistemic theory, which is used as a lens to understand Fanon’s political thoughts. I argue that the themes of naming, human subject, and presenceabsence are inherent in Fanon’s thought. These thematic areas give a better understanding of the existential questions of the figure of Sophie in the antiblack Manichean world. It is important to unpack the figure of Sophie as a Manichean figure who represents the crossing of two different worlds – the white world and the black world, Africa and Europe. The study highlights the importance and relevance of reviving Fanon’s thought concerning decolonial contemporary African art and establishing other tools of interpretation necessary to understand decolonial aestheSis. The thrust of this thesis is to deploy decolonial epistemic theory as a theoretical framework to the Fanonian understanding of the figure of the three Sophies that embody the modern/colonial predicament of the figure of the maid and blackness. / Art History, Visual Arts and Musicology / Ph. D (Art)