Fragmentation, which often involves the division of one’s self into professional and personal domains that are insulated from each other, is a serious problem for soldiers in today’s Army. This type of professional-personal fragmentation arises organically in military service. Unfortunately, it also seems that the past 12 years of persistent conflict have exacerbated the problem of fragmentation for many soldiers. Given this, I argue that any program that the Army implements for moral development should recognize fragmentation and provide resources and practices to combat it. I contend that the Army Profession campaign, which is the Army’s primary program for moral development, fails to meet either of these requirements. Moreover, it seems to serve as a catalyst that further fragments soldier’s lives. I believe this follows from the manner in which the campaign limits moral aspiration to a domain-specific good, professionalism. Thus it seems that the Army Profession campaign is not sufficient for soldiers’ moral development. Some may point to the Comprehensive Soldier Fitness program as the resource that the Army uses to address this problem because of its emphasis on the emotional, social, familial, and spiritual domains of soldiers. I argue, however, that neither the Army Profession campaign nor the Comprehensive Soldier Fitness program construes these domains as constitutive of moral development. Furthermore, both programs rely on experts to train soldiers in their respective concepts. This is problematic because soldiers do not find these experts to be credible. I go on to claim that leaders and peers who have a relationship with their fellow soldiers, and have earned their trust and respect, should function as the center of gravity for character development in the Army. Unfortunately, many leaders and soldiers lack the resources to do so. Thus, they often refer fellow soldiers back to the experts. Instead, leaders and peers should use the resources that virtue ethics provides with respect to self-perception, virtue-relevant goals, and the emotions to promote soldiers’ moral development. Toward that end, chaplains are well-suited to help leaders and peers gather the resources and develop the practices that will contribute to these aims.

No description available.

This study examined self-reported emotions and emotional facial expressions following moral transgressions using an ethnically diverse sample of 242 4-, 8-, and 12-year-old children. Self-reported emotions were examined in response to three transgression contexts: an intentional harm, an instance of social exclusion, and an omission of a prosocial duty. Children’s emotional expressions of sadness, happiness, anger, fear and disgust were analyzed immediately after being asked how they would feel if they had committed one of the described transgressions. Emotional expressions were scored using automated emotion recognition software. Four-year-olds reported significantly more happiness as compared to 8- and 12-year-olds. In addition, self-reports of sadness decreased between 8- and 12-year-olds, while self-reported guilt increased between these age groups. Furthermore, 4- and 8-year-olds demonstrated higher levels of facially expressed happiness than 12-year-olds. These findings highlight the role of automatic affective and controlled cognitive processes in the development of children’s emotions following moral transgressions.

Research suggests that there is a relationship between theory of mind and moral development in young children. However, the nature of this relationship is still unclear, specifically in regards to the relationship between theory of mind and moral theme comprehension, which has yet to be studied. The current study attempted to begin to fill this gap in the research by examining the relationship between 8 preschool children’s false belief understanding, as determined by the Sally-Anne task, and moral theme comprehension. Results were not significant, but suggest a trend that children who pass the false belief task may be more able to understand the moral themes of stories. A larger sample size and further research on this topic is necessary.

The overall goal of this study was to develop a comprehensive model of moral development to explicate the complexities of everyday morality. Based on a holistic and complementary perspective, the model relates the constructs of “worldview” and “self-view” to represent the influence of cultural individualism-collectivism and personality on moral development. It posits that worldview shapes self-view and moral inclusiveness [what is included in one’s moral consideration (Carter, 1980)] and then worldview, self-view, and moral inclusiveness jointly influence moral orientation (the main hypothesis). Interacting with situational factors, moral orientation would further influence moral judgment and behavior, thus connecting habitual morality with reflective morality. The specific objectives were: (a) to examine the relational structures among worldview, self-view, moral inclusiveness, and moral orientation; and (b) to construct a moral orientation index that measures various moral orientations, including egocentric, family, care, norm, justice, biocentric, and religious orientations, reflecting the corresponding worldviews, self-views, and levels of moral inclusiveness. Moral inclusiveness was operationalized as relationship closeness to different social groups at expanding levels of moral inclusiveness: (1) self only, (2) family, (3) peers, (4) society, (5) humanity, (6) nature, and (7) God. Survey data were gathered from 640 Grades 8-12 students and 472 adults. Structural equation models (SEM) were developed using the student data while making some comparative references to the adult data. Results of SEMs generally supported the main hypothesis. For example, individuals scoring higher on vertical individualism, social Darwinism, and independent self scored higher on egocentric orientation; individuals scoring higher on vertical collectivism and closeness to family scored higher on family orientation; and individuals scoring higher on horizontal collectivism and interdependent self scored higher on care orientation, at Levels 1, 2, and 3 respectively. Individuals scoring higher on collectivism, horizontal worldview, and moral self scored higher on justice orientation, but individuals scoring higher on closeness to nation scored lower on justice orientation at Level 5. The primacy of worldview, particularly collectivism, over self-view and moral inclusiveness in moral orientation development has implications for education. Exploring the roots of habitual morality, this study advances theory by integrating different schools of moral psychology with cultural psychology.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Feb. 29, 2008). Directed by Kathleen Casey; submitted to the School of Education. Embargoed until Dec. 20, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 234-249).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1997. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-138).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity Lutheran Seminary, Columbus, Ohio, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-153).

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1995. / Includes tables. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Josue Gonzalez. Dissertation Committee: Pearl Rock Kane. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-159).

Thesis (M.A.)--Lancaster Bible College, Graduate School, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 79-90).