This work analyzed the discursive conflict between the participant subjects in the public debate on the regulation of marijuana in Brazil, in order to understand how these subjects employ medical-scientific and juridical-legal arguments to support propositions based on moral-values conceptions. In this sense, in order to analyze this conflict, it were observed six public hearings promoted by the Federal Senate of Brazil in 2014, which discussed the proposal to regulate the use of marijuana in Brazil. It was considered, initially, that the clash observed at these hearings was between groups of 'moral entrepreneurs', who defended opposing and favorable positions on the regulation. More than this, at some points the discussion develops in such a way that the conflict is between what is 'true' and what is 'false' in this debate. Thereby, the speeches of the 'experts' invited to these hearings were fundamental to ground the argument of the conflicting entrepreneurs to establish the 'correct' position in this debate. That being said, and since juridical-legal and medical-scientific discourses are central to this discussion, the aim of this work is to understand how the 'moral entrepreneurs' involved in this debate employ medical-scientific and juridical-legal ‗discourses‘ to support their propositions. In the attempt to answer this question, a discussion was made on Howard Becker's 'Interactionist theory of deviance' to understand the importance of the moral entrepreneurs actuations in establishing social rules. In addition, some 'methodological tools' pointed out by Michel Foucault in his 'archaeogenealogical' proposal were retrieved in order to understand how the emergence of the current conflict was possible and how the 'regimes of truth' and 'practices regimes' on marijuana use in Brazil have been modified throughout history. / Este trabalho analisou o conflito discursivo entre os sujeitos participantes do debate público sobre a regulamentação da maconha no Brasil, deste modo, buscou-se compreender como estes sujeitos empregam argumentos médico-científicos e jurídico-legais para sustentar proposições baseadas em concepções morais-valorativas. Neste sentido, visando analisar este conflito, foram observadas seis audiências públicas promovidas pelo Senado Federal do Brasil em 2014, que discutiram a proposta de regulamentação do uso da maconha no Brasil. Considerou-se, inicialmente, que o embate observado nestas audiências era feito entre os grupos de ‗empreendedores morais‘, que defendiam posições contrárias e favoráveis à regulamentação. Mais do que isto, em alguns momentos a discussão se desenvolve de tal maneira que o conflito é entre o que é ‗verdadeiro‘ e o que é ‗falso‘ neste debate. Assim, as falas dos ‗especialistas‘ convidados para estas audiências foram fundamentais para embasar o argumento dos empreendedores que estão em conflito para estabelecer qual é a posição ‗correta‘ neste debate. Dito isto, e tendo em vista que os discursos jurídico-legais e médico-científicos são centrais nesta discussão, o trabalho tem por objetivo compreender como os ‗empreendedores morais‘ envolvidos neste debate empregam ‗discursos‘ médico-científicos e jurídico-legais para sustentar suas proposições. Na tentativa de responder esta questão, foi feita uma discussão sobre a ‗teoria interacionista do desvio‘, proposta por Howard Becker, para se compreender a importância da atuação dos empreendedores morais no estabelecimento de regras sociais. Além disso, foram resgatadas algumas ‗ferramentas metodológicas‘ apontadas por Michel Foucault em sua proposta ‗arqueogenealógica‘, com o intuito de compreender como foi possível a emergência do conflito atual e como foram se modificando os ‗regimes de verdade‘ e os ‗regimes de práticas‘ sobre o consumo da maconha no Brasil no decorrer da história.

This theoretical thesis employs critical discourse analysis to scrutinise the construction of video game addiction in Swedish press from 1991 to 2017, and examines its potential contribution to a moral panic. Our research is based on the assumption that media discourse influences societal norms, which in turn, can profoundly affect individuals and groups. Our primary results suggest that a small group of moral entrepreneurs, mainly treatment providers for gambling disorders, were given an ideological near-monopoly over the conceptualization of video game addiction in the Swedish press. They popularised diagnostic criteria and screening tools by paraphrasing those developed for substance addiction, thus implying that this new disorder was just like substance addiction and therefore warranted similarly aggressive interventions and possibly clinical treatment. Additionally, we found that the often alarmist concerns over players' health, education, social life and other presumed harms of video game addiction were not primarily rooted in the games themselves. Our sample shows that the discourse seamlessly expanded to incorporate new sources of addiction, treating video games, the Internet, computers, social media, smart phones, and, most recently, screens as functional synonyms.  Our analysis suggests that the moral panic might be a manifestation of deeper societal factors, including traditional patriarchal family values, prejudice against youth, expectations of neuro-normativity, and conservative views on digital media. Recognizing the influence of these underlying factors may help parents, teachers, social workers and gamers themselves navigate the still-ongoing media trend of using pop psychology and amateur neuroscience to justify patriarchal and capitalist morality tales.

Cette thèse propose un regard nouveau sur la relation entre police et politique afin de combler un manque de connaissance sur la tâche la plus « politique » du travail de police : la gestion des foules. Pour ce faire, l’objectif de la recherche vise donc à répondre à une problématique principale que l’on peut synthétiser ainsi : comment la police perçoit-elle les demandes des autorités gouvernementales et dans quelle mesure les policiers adhèrent-ils à leur rôle lors de la gestion des foules ? Pour répondre à cette question centrale, des sous-questionnements ont été formulés visant à comprendre : a) le fonctionnement de la chaine de commandement lors la gestion des foules en Italie, b) en ce qui concerne la chaine de commandement et au niveau du terrain, comment la police interprète son mandat face au maintien de l’ordre public; c) si la police (cadres dirigeants et agents sur le terrain) et les autorités gouvernementales partagent la même vision de la gestion de l’ordre public (ou non); d) et, si les attentes des autorités politique sont satisfaites par la police dans le mandat de la gestion de l’ordre public. Il s'agissait donc, non pas de définir le phénomène analysé, mais de mettre en évidence certaines de ses dimensions, ou plutôt, celles qui apparaissent moins explorées dans la littérature sur le sujet. Afin de répondre à ces questions, ce travail avancera une lecture de la police qui s’éloignera à la fois du critère de l’autonomie et de celui de la filiation de la police au pouvoir étatique (Brodeur, 1984). Selon la perspective interprétative de ce texte, les institutions policières font partie intégrante de la société, participent à ses tentatives d'organisation politique et de gouvernance (Palidda, 2010 ; 2000) et agissent en tant qu’« entrepreneurs moraux », en accord et de concert avec les institutions politiques (Becker, 1966). Du point de vue méthodologique, cette étude s’appuie sur 14 entrevues individuelles avec des membres des forces de police italiennes et des politiciens, 189 transcriptions de témoignages de policiers et politiciens dans le cadre du procès contre les manifestants No Tav, ainsi que sur 77 articles de presse. Traitant du rapport entre police et pouvoir politique qui semble être présent lors du policing protest, cette recherche a pour but ultime de comprendre comment la police résout les multiples tensions qui parcourent sa profession et qui sont particulièrement prégnantes dans le cadre de mobilisations citoyennes d’envergure, entre maintien de l’ordre et respect de la liberté d’expression ; mais aussi entre une police au service des citoyens et une police politique. En d’autres termes, cette étude essaye de mettre en lumière la complexité et les interconnexions du rôle de la police face à la gestion des foules, et en rapport à la politique. Le fil rouge que ce texte fera progressivement apparaître est celui du lien privilégié II que le pouvoir politique instaure avec l’institution policière ainsi que le processus à l’origine de cette interaction. Pour ce faire, l’étude partira d'une analyse des différentes fonctions au sein de la chaîne de commandement de la police et en poursuivant la recherche de points de connexion avec l’univers politique – non seulement à l'intérieur des institutions policières, mais aussi à l'extérieur dans le cadre politique de référence où le lien entre police et politique trouve un terrain fertile, se nourrit et vienne se concrétiser –, axera l'analyse sur les aspects critiques que ce rapport amène au niveau opérationnel de la police. On constate que les exigences du pouvoir politique ont une influence directe dans les choix technico-opérationnels de la police, bien supérieure à ce que l’on aurait imaginé au départ. Cette étude dévoile une image relativement méconnue d’une police italienne qui doit se confronter aux enjeux des autorités gouvernementales afin de mener son mandat de maintien de l’ordre public. Autrement dit, la prétendue indépendance et la professionnalisation de la police italienne se révèlent inachevées et constituent un point sensible, surtout lorsqu'il s'agit d'analyser le fonctionnement du maintien de l'ordre public. Il s'ensuit que l'image de la police comme un organisme professionnel, indépendant et maître de ses propres choix opérationnels, doit être remise en cause, du moins en ce qui concerne le cas italien en question. / In order to fill a lack of knowledge about the most “political” task of police work: policing protest, this thesis proposes a new perspective on the relationship between police and politics. In order to do so, the objective of the research is to answer a main problem that can be summarized as follows: how do the police perceive the demands of governmental authorities and to what extent do police officers adhere to their role during policing protest? To answer this central question, sub-questions have been formulated to understand : a) the functioning of the chain of command during policing protest in Italy; b) with regard to the chain of command and at the field level, how the police interpret their mandate in relation to the management of public order; c) whether the police (both management and field agents) and government authorities share the same vision of public order management (or not); d) and, if expectations of the political authorities are met by the police in the mandate of public order activities. The aim was therefore not to define the phenomenon being analysed, but to highlight some of its dimensions, or rather, those that appear less explored in the literature on the subject. In order to answer these questions, this work will put forward a reading of the police which will move away from both the criterion of autonomy and that of the police's filiation to State power (Brodeur, 1984). According to the interpretative perspective of this text, police institutions are an integral part of society, participate in its attempts at political organization and governance (Palidda, 2010; 2000) and act as “moral entrepreneurs”, in agreement and in concert with political institutions (Becker, 1966). From a methodological point of view, this study is based on 14 face-to-face interviews with members of the Italian police force and politicians, 189 transcripts of testimonies of police officers and politicians in the trial against the No Tav demonstrators, as well as 77 press articles. Discussing the relationship between the police and political power that seems to be present during policing protests, the ultimate goal of this research is to understand how the police resolve the multiple tensions that run through their profession and which are particularly prevalent in the context of large-scale citizen mobilizations, between policing and respect for freedom of expression; but also between a police force at the service of citizens and a political police force. In other words, this study attempts to highlight the complexity and interconnections of the role of the police facing policing protest, and in relation to politics. The common thread that this text will gradually reveal is the privileged link that the political power establishes with the police institution and the process at the origin of this interaction. In order to do so, the study will start from an analysis of the different functions within the police IV chain of command and by continuing the search for points of connection with the political universe - not only within the police institutions, but also outside in the political frame of reference where the link between police and politics finds fertile ground, is nourished and comes to fruition -, the analysis will focus on the critical aspects that this relationship brings to the operational level of the police. It can be seen that the demands of political power have a direct influence on the technical-operational choices of the police, much more than one would have imagined at the outset. This study reveals a relatively unknown image of an Italian police force which must face the challenges of government authorities in order to carry out its mandate of maintaining public order. In other words, the alleged independence and professionalization of the Italian police is unfinished business and is a sensitive issue, especially when it comes to analysing the functioning of policing protest. It follows that the image of the police as a professional body, independent and in control of its own operational choices, must be called into question, at least as far as the Italian case in question is concerned.

Ce mémoire de maitrise constitue une proposition théorique dans le cadre de laquelle je propose une conceptualisation de la construction sociale du trouble déficitaire de l’attention (TDAH) et son traitement par médication psychostimulante, en s’intéressant au processus diagnostique et aux interactions qu’il implique entre les membres de l’écologie scolaire (enseignants, professionnels, élèves, parents, gestionnaires, formateurs), mais aussi entre ces derniers et ceux du domaine médical (médecin généraliste, pédopsychiatre ou psychiatre, pédiatre, psychologue, neurologue). En brossant un portrait exhaustif des connaissances sociales et scientifiques sur ce qu’on nomme communément le TDAH, je présente comment il y a eu redéfinition sociale d’un trouble scolaire en trouble médical, c’est-à-dire comment il y a eu une médicalisation des difficultés scolaires. Cette médicalisation ayant socialement cheminé vers une pharmaceuticalisation de cette non-conformité aux normes scolaires, alors que le traitement par médication psychostimulante est devenu une solution de plus en plus légitime pour plusieurs élèves d’ordre primaire au cours des dernières décennies. Cependant, même si mémoire ne vise pas à nier l’existence d’un tel trouble neurologique, de nombreux facteurs permettent d’observer que des processus sociaux peuvent influencer les taux diagnostiques et les taux de traitement par médication, alors qu’il y a raisons de croire que le Québec est en situation de surdiagnostics et de surprescriptions, principalement chez la population des élèves d’ordre primaire. Suivant cette perspective, ce mémoire propose une conceptualisation sociologique inédite qui pourrait permettre de mieux comprendre comment ces deux phénomènes sont le résultat d’une construction sociale par des processus sociaux. Une conceptualisation qui propose autant d’aborder et d’analyser le TDAH d’un point de vue macrosocial que d’un point de vue microsocial. / This master's thesis constitutes a theoretical proposal in which I propose a conceptualization to understand the social construction of ADHD and its treatment with psychostimulant medication, focusing on the diagnostic process and the interactions it involves between members of the school ecology (teachers, professionals, students, parents, managers, trainers), but also between those and those of the medical field (general practitioner, child psychiatrist or psychiatrist, pediatrician, psychologist, neurologist). By providing a comprehensive picture of social and scientific knowledge of what is commonly referred to as ADHD, I present how a school disorder has been socially redefined in a medical disorder, i.e. how academic difficulties have been medicalized. This medicalization has made a social path to pharmaceuticalizing this non-compliance with school standards, while psychostimulant medication treatment has become an increasingly legitimate solution for many primary students in recent decades. However, while memory is not intended to deny the existence of such a neurological disorder, there are many factors that can be observed by social processes that can influence diagnostic rates and rates of medication treatment, while there is reason to believe that Quebec is in a situation of overdiagnosis and overprescription, mainly among the primary student population. From this perspective, this dissertation proposes a new sociological conceptualization that could allow us to better understand how these two phenomena are the result of social construction from social processes. A conceptualization that proposes as much to address and analyze ADHD from a macrosocial point of view as from a microsocial point of view.