In Cold War North America, liberal intellectuals constructed the Canadian and American national identities in contrast to totalitarianism. Theorists of totalitarianism described Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union as monolithic societies marked by absolutism and intolerance toward societal differences. In response, many intellectuals imagined Canada and the United States as pluralistic nations that valued diversity. The ways in which Canadians and Americans imagined their respective national identities also varied with epistemological trends that were based on the ideas of totalitarianism and its correlate, anti-totalitarianism. These trends emphasized particularity and diversity. Using archival sources, interviews with policy-makers, and analysis of key texts, Multicultural Cold War outlines the history of theories of totalitarianism, related trends in epistemology, the genealogy of the social sciences, and the works of Canadian and American proponents of cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. It centers attention on Canada and the United States where the unreflective ideology of anti-totalitarianism was widespread and the postwar enthusiasm for ethnicity and cultural pluralism became especially pronounced. In the U.S.A. this enthusiasm found expression among public intellectuals who defined cultural pluralism in their scholarship and social criticism. In Canada, discourses of multiculturalism originated in the hearings of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism and the political thought of Pierre Elliot Trudeau. This dissertation shows that enthusiasm for sub-national group particularity, pluralism, and diversity was a transnational North American trend. / Dissertation

This thesis explores, through fictional storytelling, the cultural duality of individuals inhabiting Singapore prior to World War II. The primary locale in many of these stories-an actual residence known as Eu Villa-interconnects each narrative and helps to uncover the hybridization of a Chinese family (and servants) living in a British colony. Many of the stories are imparted from different perspectives: wives, children and amahs, each of them pieced together to bridge the space between Chinese heritage overlaid and intermixed with British culture. In this way, the stories of this thesis reflect on the history that preceded the distinct multiculturalism of contemporary Singapore.

The purpose of this study is to explore the current conceptual cognition of elementary school teachers toward Educational Priority Areas as well as to analyze the impact of cognition on the program executive effectiveness. So that the result of the study would proffer referential information for educational authorities , elementary school principals and teachers and hence helps to promote efficiency and effectiveness. The methodology of this study is as follows :firstly , based on theoretical literature and empirical research on related subjects, an assessment tool is developed : Questionnaire-¡§The executive effectiveness between the elementary school of the Educational Priority Areas in Kaohsiung city and Pingtung county¡¨ and content validity is constructed by professionals. Pilot test is conducted at Stage 2 to construct the reliability and validity of questionnaire via statistical measurements such as item analysis and factor analysis. In the questionnaire, regarding the Item ¡§Conceptual Cognition¡¨, the overall Cronbach £\ value obtained is .9128, the total explained variances are 48.42%¡Fregarding the Item ¡§Program Executive Effectiveness¡¨, the overall Cronbach £\ value is .9673, the total explained variances are 67.27%. Then, formal test is proceeded on education staff members at Stage 3.Among a total of 453 copies of questionnaire issued, 387 copies are collected, the usability is 85.43%. Descriptive statistics , variances analysis, product-moment correlation, regression analysis, independent sample two-ways analysis of variance are applied for statistics and analysis of assumptions proposed in this study. I draw the following conclusions based on the results of statistical analysis: 1. The result of overall sampling indicates a positive recognition on the relationship between the conceptual cognition of elementary school teachers and executive effectiveness of Educational Priority Areas. 2. Senior educators have a more positive viewpoint towards the ¡§Conceptual cognition¡¨ and ¡§Executive effectiveness¡¨ of the Educational Priority Areas. 3. Educators, who hold different positions, have similar ¡§Conceptual cognition¡¨ on the Educational Priority Areas, but teachers with administrative positions have better performance on the ¡§Executive effectiveness¡¨. 4. Educators between Kaohsiung city and Pindung county, who have similar ¡§Conceptual cognition¡¨ of Educational Priority Areas, but those in Kaohsiung city have better ¡§Executive effectiveness¡¨. 5. Educators, who have higher ¡§Conceptual cognition¡¨ on Educational Priority Areas, achieve the higher ¡§Executive effectiveness¡¨. 6. There are close relationships between the ¡§Conceptual cognition¡¨ of Educational Priority Areas and ¡§Executive effectiveness¡¨. 7. The ¡§Executive effectiveness¡¨ can be effectively predicted through the ¡§Conceptual cognition¡¨ of Educational Priority Areas. Among the predications, ¡§Equity of educational opportunity¡¨ is most predicable. 8. The executive effectiveness will be different due to location, seniority, degree of teachers. Based on the above conclusions, I would propose concrete suggestions for educators as the referential foundations to promote the executive effectiveness in Educational Priority Areas.

<p>Rätten till självbestämmande har traditionellt sett inneburit att staters suveränitet respekterats. Konceptet har dock kommit att applicerats på andra plan i större utsträckning, då man har argumenterat för rätten till nationellt självbestämmande. En gemensam kultur, eller liknande, har på så vis fungerat som underlag för secessionsrörelser. Secession kan ha allvarliga konsekvenser för de involverade politiska enheterna. Det kan även vara ett koncept svårt att implementera i verkligheten då det berör territoriella aspekter såväl som ifrågasätter vilka som hör till den utbrytande rörelsen. En teoretisk ram användbar för utvärdering av secession har därför sammanställts i denna uppsats, baserad på tre typer av secessionsteorier som applicerats på och jämförts med fallet Montenegro. Ramen bygger på en teoretisk diskussion rörande definitioner av nationalism, nationer och identitet. Dessa definitioner grundas på en civil och medborgerlig förståelse av nationalism, där identitet beskrivs som en dynamisk företeelse. Secessionsramen har därefter applicerats på fallet Montenegro som nyligen blivit en självständig stat. En utvärdering av fallet har sedan bedrivits, baserad på en historisk översikt av landet. För att understryka komplexiteten med secession presenteras sedan argument mot secession som inte bör betraktas som en lösning på etniska konflikter. Alternativa lösningar på sådana presenteras därefter vilket ger en insikt i multiculturalism. Sådana lösningar innebär alla en risk för att etniska gränser etsas fast istället för löses upp. Montenegros secession kan dock betraktas som legitim då relativts stabila demokratiska och liberala institutioner gått att finna även innan secessionen. Folkomröstningen var även den legitim och influerad av medborgarskap snarare än etnicitet.</p> / <p>The principle of self-determination traditionally refers to respect for state sovereignty. It has been increasingly employed to lower level communities as they have argued their right to national self-determination. National groups have, based on a common culture or likewise, made claims to secession. Secession can have severe consequences for either one of the two political units. It can also be extremely difficult to implement as it involves territorial aspects and the fundamental question of who belongs to the national group wishing to secede. A framework for evaluating the legitimacy of secession is developed in this thesis, based on three general types of secession theories applied and compared to the case of Montenegro. The framework builds upon a theoretical background defining what is meant by nationalism, nations and identity. The language used in this essay is therefore that of constructivism, rooted in the civic idea of nationalism. The belief that human identities are dynamic and subject to change is a crucial assumption. With the aid of an historical presentation of Montenegro, an evaluation of the region’s independence is made. To underline why secession should be implemented with care, arguments against secession are then presented. Secession should not be confused with a solution to ethnical tensions. Alternatives to secession are thus demonstrated, showing the complexity of the multiculturalist field in general. Multicultural policies risk fixing ethnical lines rather than dissolving them. The secession of Montenegro is legitimate as relatively stable democratic and liberal tradition existed prior to independence. The referendum in Montenegro was, more over, determined by a well organised referendum where civil elements dominated over</p>

Tez (Yüksek Lisans) - Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı, 2008. / Kaynakça var.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity International University, 2007. / Abstract. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-224).

Project (Ed.S.)--James Madison University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Texas State University--San Marcos, 2009. / Vita. Appendices: leaves 254-295. Reproduction permission applies to print copy: Blanket permission granted per author to reproduce. Includes bibliographic references (leaves 296-311).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2003. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 213-227).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.