<p>Det råder delade meningar om hur den Europeiska unionen kommer att utvecklas i framtiden. Skeptiker menar att den kommer utvecklas i riktning mot en federation och undergräva medlemsstaternas suveränitet, medan andra menar att det europeiska samarbetet främst är en frihandelsförening. Syftet med min uppsats är att undersöka hur det inom EU:s institutioner resoneras kring frågor rörande EU:s framtida integration, samt kring frågor rörande demokrati. Det material jag analyserar är ett urval av EU-dokument, där jag med kvalitativ textanalys, utifrån ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av tre stycken integrationsteorier, försöker förstå hur EU:s institutioner ser på unionens framtida integration samt frågor rörande demokrati. Resultatet av undersökningen gav en mångfacetterad bild av hur det resoneras kring dessa frågor på högsta EU-nivå. Speciellt belysande var hur kommissionen resonerar kring demokrati jämfört med andra EU-institutioner.</p>

Det råder delade meningar om hur den Europeiska unionen kommer att utvecklas i framtiden. Skeptiker menar att den kommer utvecklas i riktning mot en federation och undergräva medlemsstaternas suveränitet, medan andra menar att det europeiska samarbetet främst är en frihandelsförening. Syftet med min uppsats är att undersöka hur det inom EU:s institutioner resoneras kring frågor rörande EU:s framtida integration, samt kring frågor rörande demokrati. Det material jag analyserar är ett urval av EU-dokument, där jag med kvalitativ textanalys, utifrån ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av tre stycken integrationsteorier, försöker förstå hur EU:s institutioner ser på unionens framtida integration samt frågor rörande demokrati. Resultatet av undersökningen gav en mångfacetterad bild av hur det resoneras kring dessa frågor på högsta EU-nivå. Speciellt belysande var hur kommissionen resonerar kring demokrati jämfört med andra EU-institutioner.

The institutions of the European Union (EU) have been involved in football-related matters for more than 30 years without having a direct competence in sport. This apparent paradox is the starting point of this thesis, which investigates the origin, development and consequences of EU policies on football. The EU interventions in football issues are examined through a conceptual framework based on models of agenda-setting and multilevel governance. This thesis draws on qualitative research through primary sources, mainly semi-structured interviews and official documents. The most important policy initiatives and decisions of the EU on football matters can be grouped under three headings: freedom of movement for workers, football broadcasting and football governance. EU institutions did not become involved in football matters by their own volition, but as a result of their responsibilities to adjudicate in legal disputes related to freedom of movement for workers and competition policy. The commercialisation of professional football especially over the last few decades generated internal conflicts in the governance of football that were only resolved with recourse to the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The EU has acted as an alternative policy venue for football stakeholders wishing to challenge the decisions of football federations. Thus, the EU and football appear as two systems of multilevel governance that have coexisted in parallel for some time but have since clashed as a result of the instrumentalisation of EU venues by football stakeholders. The policies of the EU on football are a compromise between two different visions of the game. Whereas football was initially introduced onto the EU agenda only in economic terms through the ECJ and the Commission, the EU has subsequently developed a more holistic and nuanced vision of football that takes into account its wider social and cultural values. The intervention of the Member States and the European Parliament, at the request of football governing bodies, facilitated the further evolution of EU policies on football. As a result of all these processes, the authority of federations such as the international football federation (Fédération Internationale de Football Association, FIFA) and the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) has been diffused in favour of a horizontal network of governance that includes representatives from players, clubs and leagues.

This is a comprehensive study of tobacco control policy and politics in the European Union, 1970-2000. I develop an instrumental theory of public policy which establishes an approach for connecting policy instruments to policy outcomes. I investigate ways in which political, bureaucratic and interest group (particularly the tobacco industry) factors influence the success of policy instruments aimed at reducing cigarette consumption. I also explore whether and how supranational mandates and directives influence the success of national-level efforts to control tobacco. I test hypotheses empirically using pooled time-series methodologies. The substantive conclusion is that non-price policies are only a qualified success when controlling for addiction, price policy and factors in the policy environment. Price policy is consistently effective, cross-nationally and the public health bureaucracy is a key player in curbing consumption of cigarettes. Major theoretical conclusions include affirmation that supranational policy actions can shape national policy outcomes, that interest group pluralism favors those with a comparative advantage in organizing (in this case, the tobacco industry), and that while policy instruments can be evaluated according to their behavioral attributes, caution should be exercised when simultaneous policy adoption is occurring.

This is a comprehensive study of tobacco control policy and politics in the European Union, 1970-2000. I develop an instrumental theory of public policy which establishes an approach for connecting policy instruments to policy outcomes. I investigate ways in which political, bureaucratic and interest group (particularly the tobacco industry) factors influence the success of policy instruments aimed at reducing cigarette consumption. I also explore whether and how supranational mandates and directives influence the success of national-level efforts to control tobacco. I test hypotheses empirically using pooled time-series methodologies. The substantive conclusion is that non-price policies are only a qualified success when controlling for addiction, price policy and factors in the policy environment. Price policy is consistently effective, cross-nationally and the public health bureaucracy is a key player in curbing consumption of cigarettes. Major theoretical conclusions include affirmation that supranational policy actions can shape national policy outcomes, that interest group pluralism favors those with a comparative advantage in organizing (in this case, the tobacco industry), and that while policy instruments can be evaluated according to their behavioral attributes, caution should be exercised when simultaneous policy adoption is occurring.

Magister Artium - MA / Comprehensive policies exist to tackle Nigeria’s poor maternal, neonatal and child health (MNCH) indices, but departures from policy intent during implementation result in less than expected outcomes. In Nigeria’s federal system of government, national level policies are transferred to subnational level, the states as mediators of for implementation. Executive powers at the state level reside with governors. This study aims to contribute to a better understanding of the role of states in policy implementation, taking a historical and comparative view of implementation of three complex programmes, which had intergovernmental collaborative aspirations. Study was set in two (subnational) states (Anambra and Ebonyi). In addition, national level data were collected from Abuja – Federal Capital Territory, where policymaking is domiciled. A qualitative case study design triangulated information from document reviews (69) and in-depth interviews (44). Emerson’s integrated collaborative governance (CG) framework was used to examine the overarching multi-level governance and how this impacted the policy process.

The purpose of the thesis is to study the role of the subnational civil servant and their discretions in a Multilevel Governance context, based on how it differs from the traditional role of the civil servant in Sweden. This is done by studying officials at Swedish Regional Representation Offices in Brussels through the method of semi-structured interviews. The theoretical framework is based on research about traditional activities and role of the public administration, but also in the differences of duties between politicians and officials. Furthermore, the thesis is constructed on Europeanization research and a Multilevel Governance approach, where regional actions in a multi-level system can be clarified and explored by the dimensions of Europeanization: the download-, crossload- and upload dimension. The methodological assessment tool consists of a content analysis, where the collected interview data is compared and discussed using a constructed ideal type of the Weberian role of a civil servant. The respondent's descriptions and views of their role in Brussels is the main focus of the analysis.   To summarise, the regional officials in Brussels consider their scope of discretion as broad. Furthermore, the results illustrate that is not possible to distinguish the role of the sub-national civil service in Brussels, based on the designed ideal type. It’s because of the complexity of the Multilevel Governance system. The results show a significant variation between the respondent's experiences and descriptions of their duties at the office in Brussels. The official’s which are working with a tougher line of lobbying in Brussels, experience their role as both political and apolitical, where the civil servant role enters the political sphere. By working with lobby activities that imply the duty of a politician, they describe their role between the administration and the political sphere. When the officials are working with lobby initiatives in Brussels, they are acting as the political voice of the home organization, but always with a clear lobby mandate from their politicians. / Uppsatsens syfte är att analysera den subnationella tjänstemannarollen och dess handlingsutrymme i ett flernivåsystem, utifrån hur den skiljer sig från den traditionella tjänstemannarollen. Detta görs genom att studera tjänstemän på regionala representationskontor i Bryssel, utifrån semi-strukturerade intervjuer.   Uppsatsen tar ett teoretiskt avstamp i den traditionella förvaltningsverksamheten och i skillnaden mellan politikers och tjänstemäns uppdrag- samt rollfördelningen i den offentliga förvaltningen. Vidare utgår studien från europeiseringsforskning och har en multilevel governance ansats, där ett regionalt handlande i ett flernivåsystem förklaras i europeiseringsprocessernas download-, crossload- och upload-dimensioner. Det metodologiska analysverktyget består av en innehållsanalys av det empiriska intervjumaterialet. Intervjumaterialet jämförs och diskuteras utifrån en konstruerad idealtyp av den weberianska tjänstemannarollen, där fokus är intervjupersonernas uppfattningar och beskrivningar av sin roll i Bryssel. Sammanfattningsvis går det inte att urskilja den subnationella tjänstemannarollen i Bryssel utifrån den idealtyp som konstrueras. Tjänstemännens arbete i ett flernivåsystem är alltför komplext och det finns en betydande variation i hur tjänstemännen beskriver och upplever sin tjänstemannaroll. Generellt sätt uppfattar tjänstemännen i Bryssel sitt handlingsutrymme som brett. Tjänstemän som arbetar med en hårdare linje av påverkansarbete upplever att tjänstemannarollen går in i den politiska sfären och blir både politisk samt opolitisk. Den subnationella tjänstemannarollen upplevs befinna sig mellan administrationen och politiken, då påverkansuppdraget i Bryssel liknar en politikers, men där tjänstemännen är ett politiskt språkrör med ett tydligt påverkansmandat.

The European Union is often criticized for having a democratic deficit, and most often cited are the shortcomings in citizen inputs. The complex institutional structure, in particular the dual channel of representation (supranational and intergovernmental), contributes to these concerns. This thesis thus examines what impacts the linkage between citizens and their elected representatives in the direct channel of representation. I refer to this linkage as the "electoral connection" and outline three related input criteria: Competent Citizens: Citizens can competently assign policy responsibility and hold their representatives to account; Meaningful Choices: Citizens have meaningful choices at election time; and Substantive Representation: Elected officials are representative of their constituents. The theoretical framework of the electoral connection is based in substantive representation, and focuses on the mandate conception of representation but also includes a discussion of accountability. I utilize European Election Studies (EES) voter, media, and candidate studies from 2009, EES voter and candidate studies from 1994, and a novel expert survey on EU responsibility (2010). The analyses of responsibility attributions and vote choice are conducted using multilevel modelling to assess individual- and contextual-level determinants. I test the effect that information and political attitudes, specifically extreme attitudes have on the first two criteria of the direct electoral connection. The role of information is tested at the individual level through political sophistication, and at the contextual level through the politicization of the EU issue. The first criterion is tested by comparing citizen and expert attributions of responsibility. For the second criterion, two chapters which examine perceived party positions and issue-cross pressure assess how this impacts the electoral connection. The final empirical chapter is a descriptive analysis of congruence on policy priorities and preference for governmental responsibility to assess substantive representation. If there is some understanding of responsibility, and citizens have selected parties that align with their preferred policy positions, then we should expect government to be representative of its constituents. One contribution is defining an expanded definition of the electoral connection. In addition I show that political sophistication and issue politicization have a positive impact on the electoral connection, while attitude extremity generally has a negative impact. Furthermore, the European Parliament is quite representative of its constituents. Concerns about democratic deficit and lack of representation in the European Union are overstated.

abstract: Climate change impacts are evident throughout the world, particularly in the low lying coastal areas. The multidimensional nature and cross-scale impacts of climate change require a concerted effort from different organizations operating at multiple levels of governance. The efficiency and effectiveness of the adaptation actions of these organizations rely on the problem framings, network structure, and power dynamics of the organizations and the challenges they encounter. Nevertheless, knowledge on how organizations within multi-level governance arrangements frame vulnerability, how the adaptation governance structure shapes their roles, how power dynamics affect the governance process, and how barriers emerge in adaptation governance as a result of multi-level interactions is limited. In this dissertation research, a multilevel governance perspective has been adopted to address these knowledge gaps through a case study of flood risk management in coastal Bangladesh. Key-informant interviews, systematic literature review, spatial multi-criteria decision analysis, social network analysis (SNA), and content analysis techniques have been used to collect and analyze data. This research finds that the organizations involved in adaptation governance generally have aligned framings of vulnerability, irrespective of the level at which they are operated, thus facilitating adaptation decision-making. However, this alignment raises concerns of a neglect of socio-economic aspects of vulnerability, potentially undermining adaptation initiatives. This study further finds that the adaptation governance process is elite-pluralistic in nature, but has a coexistence of top-down and bottom-up processes in different phases of adaptation actions. The analysis of power dynamics discloses the dominance of a few national level organizations in the adaptation governance process in Bangladesh. Lastly, four mechanisms have been found that can explain how organizational culture, practices, and preferences dictate the emergence of barriers in the adaptation governance process. This dissertation research overall advances our understanding on the significance of multilevel governance approach in climate change adaptation governance. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Geography 2019

Thesis advisor: David Deese / Given the current political environment in the US, there is great doubt about the future of American policy on climate change. Still, the optimistic future of American climate policy relies on the new group of leaders that have emerged from municipal government. Although local government is traditionally ignored in favor of the publicity of international negotiations between countries, cities have established a role at the forefront of climate policy over the past ten years. These local governments serve half of the world’s population and often are extremely vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, making their contributions more important than ever. Although they face a unique set of difficulties, cities are able to take a range of actions impossible at higher levels of government, reaching communities in unprecedented ways and innovating new policies. This project aims to analyze how local governments fit into the global political regime on climate change, testing the theoretical framework of multilevel governance against reallife examples in Boston and New York City. Further, this paper finds that cities compensate for their relatively small size and limited jurisdiction through a unique set of actions and collaborative relationships, enabling these local actors to become international leaders on this complex global issue.. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: . / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Environmental Studies.