The third crusade could be likened to a chess game, taking place between the English King Richard I and the Muslim Sultan Saladin. The game that eventually ended in stalemate because neither Richard nor Saladin were able to gain an advantage over his opponent, which would lead to the final turn. The attitudes of both men were very different and this is obviously reflected in their ruling and military capabilities. The question which therefore arises is, how were Richard I and Saladin linked? The answer is simple. The King of England and the Muslim Sultan were on a larger scale linked with a right to the Holy Land and in the narrow scale to Jerusalem. If we try to understand Saladin and Richard we must focus on the period in which they lived, the situation in the Holy Land and minds of Christians and Muslims. This goal is also subject to the methodology of the work, descriptive method with contextual analysis and structure of the thesis were chosen.

The Rumi Cultural Events Centre explores how the built environment can reflect a cultural phenomenon such as the evolution of Muslim communities in Western secular society of Canada. The centre has been designed for second generation Muslims, whose simultaneous exposure to religious and secular values change their outlook on religion and culture (Greif, 2007; Amor, 2006, Hadjiyanni, 2007; Kohut, Allan & Wike, 2006; Akyol, 2011; Mandaville, 2001; Distin, 2001). They reinvent the notion of Islam in a secular context, and create a synthesis that embodies religiosity, culture and secularism. The Rumi Centre is a new typology of space that emerges from a need to synthesize the new Muslim identity and values in order to create a non-traditional cultural environment. The Rumi Centre is not a religious institution. It is a culturally appropriate and contemporary events venue where forward looking and traditional Muslims come together with the local community. The centre’s design language reflects the attitude of Muslims who embrace modernity and secular lifestyle but remain true to their culture. / May 2016

M.A.

Thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of Masters of Arts in Political Studies to the Faculty Humanities, School of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016 / Blackness has become a right to death that sees in death its almost essential property. The essence of blackness, its origin or its possibility, would be this right to death; but a death denuded of that ...sovereignty that gains from death its own sacrificial mastery ... and maintains itself in it. This is life as the work of death, a work born of fidelity to death, but death without transcendence (Marriot cited in Sexton 2015: 132). The advent of colonial modernity in South Africa marks the rupture of identity and being of Africans. That is, after the emergence of colonial modernity Africans cease to be Africans only but however they become black. Blackness becomes an object exclusion in the encounter with modernity. Blacks and by extension Africa is seen as being outside modern temporality inhabiting a zone of non-being and fungability. The encounter with modernity, without any doubt causes doubts in the Africans modes of existence or being and it is here that liberation and emancipatory movements/projects that have been initiated by blacks have sought to steer their lenses to try and liberate as well as understand how blacks can best live in modern conditions of racism or should there be any alternative to modern empty time. This study seeks to make an intervention, especially in South African Political studies, with concern to alternative political strategies that have not been take into consideration. [No abstract provided. Information taken from introduction]. / MT2017

Abstract [en] On 27 April 2017 Sweden was struck by an Islamic terrorist attack which with various terrorist attacks in Europe, lead to increased Islamophobia and far-right populism in the country. This has seemingly led to Swedes becoming more prone to believe Islamophobic conspiracy theories. Such as the notion that Muslims are terrorists and Islam a violent religion from which terrorism springs to life. This twisted perception and further Islamophobia can lead to Muslims being perceived as a potential threat, due to being associated with terrorism. Since radicalization has been linked to social alienation and discrimination, the concern regarding increased Islamophobia in Sweden and what consequences it has on radicalization among Muslims in Sweden is warranted. Islamophobia is a form of discrimination against Muslims, but research regarding radicalization has not fully integrated the concept of Islamophobia with Islamic terrorism and its radicalization. This despite the increase of global Islamophobia and the witnessed increase of Islamic terrorism in forms of [Western] foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs), as well as home-grown cells and planned lone wolf attacks in recent years, which all indicate a potential increase in Islamic radicalization. As Islamophobia, far-right populism and extremist sentiments are growing in Sweden, this thesis presents a desk study through a qualitative text analysis, to investigate how the current climate and development affects Muslims in Sweden, and whether they are excluded as a result to presumably enhance national security. This is done through an abductive approach with an analytical framework focused on radicalization processes and the perspectives of inclusion and exclusion. The potential correlation between Islamophobia and radicalization among Muslims, where Sweden is used as an example to exemplify the consequences of Islamophobia regarding Islamic radicalization and security through exclusion contra development through inclusion is presented in this desk study.

Thesis advisor: Peter Skerry / This thesis is a further study of Peter Skerry’s 2011 article, “the Muslim-American Muddle,” in which he argues that not only non-Muslim Americans are worrying about Muslims’ loyalty issue due to the fear of radical Islamism and terrorism, but also Muslims are confused. My basic argument is that Muslims are still suffering from their muddled loyalty. It is not because they are disloyal but because, in light of Grodzins, their organizations guide them in different directions which are not always en route to national loyalty as non-Muslims expect. Inspired by Morton Grodzins’s theory on social structure and national loyalty in liberal democracies and James Q. Wilson’s insightful study on political organizations, this research has sought to understand the Muslim muddle with an in-depth inquiry and examination on one of the most common and important Islamic organizations—Islamic centers and mosques with an ethnographical method. The evidence of this thesis was collected between April 2016 and December 2017. In fact, I almost visited every mosque in Massachusetts. However, I was not always lucky to build strong connections with many centers for various reasons. In this thesis, I only select those mosques that I had visited more than three times. And I try my best to interview as many leaders as possible. I also manage to keep a geographical and sectarian balance in my sample. I hope to cover all types of mosques in Boston area. My findings are interesting, though of course often confusing and may contradicting with each other but I am duty-bound to report them even if it may had negative impact on the generalization power of my argument. I find that Islamic centers have different goals and offer different incentives to overcome collective actions problems. Both solidarity and political engagement are valued by Islamic centers in general, but individual organizations have different preferences which are results of divergent immigrant experiences. So the organizational aspect of Muslims community is fragmented. However, the increasing external political pressure in the post 9/11 period did not overcome the problem but aggravated it by simply empowering purposive mosques like ISBCC in public sphere. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Este trabalho investiga o discurso elaborado pela revista Veja sobre os países de maioria muçulmana e os seguidores da religião islâmica. Tendo como suporte teórico as reflexões sobre o Orientalismo, de Edward W. Said, e a Teoria Social do Discurso, abordagem da Análise de Discurso Crítica (ADC), de Norman Fairclough, aplicamos uma combinação de análises qualitativa e quantitativa em um corpus composto por unidades textuais publicadas em três diferentes períodos, tendo como ponto referencial o 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo que os textos são observados não apenas como evento linguístico, mas como práticas sociais constitutivas e constituídas pelos sistemas de crença. Através da identificação, compreensão e determinação das operações que organizam e constroem os enunciados e seus significados, demonstramos que a publicação brasileira sustenta o discurso orientalista através da reprodução do discurso hegemônico norte-americano, o que carrega um caráter disciplinador que age pela legitimação e naturalização das posições que interessam aos Estados Unidos. O resultado adjacente é a construção e manutenção de uma identidade negativa dos que professam sua fé na religão islâmica. / This work investigates the discourse elaborated by Veja magazine about countries of Muslim majority and the followers of the Islamic religion. Having reflections about Orientalism by Edward W. Said and the Social Theory of Discourse, the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach of Norman Fairclough as theoretical support, we apply a combination of qualitative and quantitative analysis in a corpus composed of textual units during three different periods, with September 11 as a point of reference. The texts are observed not only as a linguistic event, but as constitutive social practices that are constituted by the systems of belief. By means of the identification, comprehension and determination of the operations that organize and construct the statements and their meanings, we demonstrate that the Brazilian publication sustains the orientalist discourse by means of the reproduction of the hegemonic North-American discourse that carries with it a disciplinary character that works in favor of the legitimacy and naturalization of the positions of United States interest. The underlying result is the construction and maintenance of a negative identity of those who profess their faith in the Islamic religion.

Discrimination is not only a human and civil rights offense, but also a detrimental influence on the health outcomes of affected populations. The Muslim population in the United States is a growing religious minority increasingly encountered by health care professionals in the clinical setting. This group has been subject to heightened discrimination since the tragic events of September 11, 2001 and often is misunderstood within the context of American society today. While research has been conducted on discrimination against Muslims in the employment and educational segments of society, more studies are needed which quantify the extent and type of discrimination faced by this group in the health care setting. This inquiry focused on the crossover of anti-Muslim discrimination from society to the health care setting. A newly developed tool to measure anti-Muslim discrimination in health care and an established perceived discrimination scale were used to create the questionnaire employed in this investigation. The items of this newly created tool addressed culturally congruent care practices based on the principles of cultural safety within the nurse-patient relationship and the cultural care beliefs of the Muslim patient/family to ascertain discriminatory occurrences in the health care setting. Ray’s (2010) transcultural caring dynamics in nursing and health care model served as a framework for this quantitative, univariate, descriptive, cross-sectional design. Findings revealed that nearly one-third of Muslim subjects perceived they were discriminated against in the health care setting in the United States. Being excluded or ignored was the most frequently conveyed type of discrimination, followed by problems related to the use of Muslim clothing; offensive or insensitive verbal remarks; and problems related to Islamic holidays, prayer rituals, and physical assault, respectively. Age was positively correlated with perceived anti-Muslim discrimination in society. Education was negatively correlated with perceived discrimination in both society and the health care setting. Findings revealed that three out of five of those surveyed reported that they wear Muslim clothing; the most frequently reported of which was the hijab, the most popular Muslim garment reported to be worn. Participants who wore Muslim clothing, especially females, reported more anti-Muslim discrimination than those who did not. Scores for self-reported perceived anti-Muslim discrimination were found to be higher after the Boston Marathon bombings, April 15, 2013, an act perpetrated by Muslims, which occurred during the time of data collection. The number one Muslim care preference reported was same sex caregiver followed by respect for modesty, prayer rituals, respect for privacy, family involvement in care, and dietary concerns. Implications for practice, policy, education, political science, and recommendations for further research are discussed. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2013.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

Este trabalho verificou como os jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo cobriram assuntos relacionados a árabes e muçulmanos seis meses antes dos atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001 e seis meses depois. Com base no Orientalismo, tese desenvolvida por Edward W. Said, e na Teoria Social do Discurso, de Norman Fairclough, foram analisadas as escolhas lexicais de ambos os jornais em relação aos assuntos que mais apareceram nos dois recortes. O estudo concluiu que dogmas orientalistas se mostraram presentes nos dois períodos e que os jornais naturalizaram discursos hegemônicos, que se colocaram em contraposição aos de árabes e muçulmanos. / This paper analyzed how the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo covered issues relating to Arabs and Muslims six months before the September 11, 2001 attacks and six months after. Based on the thesis of Orientalism, developed by Edward W. Said, and on the Social Theory of Discourse by Norman Fairclough, lexical variations from both newspapers were analyzed with regard to the issues that most appeared in the clippings. The paper concluded that Orientalist dogmas were present in both periods and that the newspapers frequently crystalized hegemonic discourse, contrary to Arabs and Muslims ones.