Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T04:13:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PriscilaRodrigues_M.pdf: 1021897 bytes, checksum: f32fbbf5a34ba26cdef409b487e0e592 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo central analisar o comportamento do Poder Legislativo em cinco importantes momentos do processo de institucionalização da política de defesa do Brasil: (i) a aprovação da primeira versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (ii) a criação do Ministério da Defesa; (iii) a aprovação da segunda versão da Política de Defesa Nacional; (iv) a aprovação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa; e (v) a aprovação da Lei Complementar nº 136 de 2010 que, entre outros pontos, determina a criação do Livro Branco de Defesa Nacional. Tal processo abrange os mandatos dos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995 a 2010). Além da descrição de cada um dos momentos citados acima, é abordada a atuação do país na agenda de segurança regional e internacional e são levantados os meios disponíveis ao Congresso Nacional para efetivar sua participação na formulação de política de defesa. Os processos de aprovação de cada uma das políticas e leis são relatados de forma a proporcionar uma visualização da capacidade ou não que o Poder Legislativo tem para alterar matérias que em geral foram propostas pelo Poder Executivo. Por fim, o estudo identifica como o avanço na participação do Poder Legislativo em assuntos de política de defesa foi tímido, porém importante por significar um aumento de representatividade popular no tema / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the behavior of the central legislature in five key moments in the institutionalization of defense policy in Brazil: (i) the approval of the first version of the National Defense Policy, (ii) the creation of the Ministry of Defence (iii) the approval of the second version of the National Defense Policy, (iv) the approval of the National Defense Strategy, and (v) the approval of the Supplementary Law No. 136 of 2010 which, among other things, provides for the creation of the Book white National Defense. This process covers the mandates of the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (1995-2010). Besides the description of each of the above moments, we discuss the performance of the country on the agenda of regional and international security and are raised the resources available to Congress in order to strengthen their participation in the formulation of defense policy. The approval processes for each of the policies and laws are related to provide a view of the Legislative Power?s capacity or not to change matters that in general have been proposed by the Executive Power. Finally, the study identifies how the progress in the participation of the Legislative Power in matters of defense policy was shy, but important because it signifies the increase of representation in popular theme / Mestrado / Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Background: The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) like other Defence Forces of the world, conducts medical classification on their members. This medical classification has, as one of the components, an Oral Health Fitness (OHF) classification which is done according to North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) standards. The aim of the Oral Health Fitness classification is to standardize dental readiness, assess oral health, prioritize dental care, minimize the number of dental emergencies (DE), and emphasize the importance of good oral health to all active duty and reserve forces. Medical classification is conducted by the South African Military Health Services (SAMHS). Aim: The aim of the study was to evaluate the dental emergency outcomes of the Oral Health Fitness classification of the SAMHS in Area Military Health Unit Gauteng (AMHU GT), South Africa Objectives: To determine dental emergency rate for the SAMHS, analyse the dental emergencies and to make recommendations regarding dental emergencies to the SAMHS Methods: A cross-sectional retrospective record analyses of members of the SANDF that received an OHF classification of 1 and 2 in AMHU GT in 2009. The AMHU GT members were followed up for a year to determine if they developed dental emergencies. Data analysis included frequency tables, chi-square tests and logistic regression analysis. The level of significance was set at p<0.05. Results: The dental emergency rate for AMHU Gauteng was 307/1000 per year. The type of dental emergencies were: 58.5% dental restorations, 13% extractions and related complications, 4.3% crown and bridge, 3.9% emergency root canals, 9.9% recementations, 3.6% denture related problems while other emergencies were 6.8%. Patients were more likely to experience a dental emergency if they were white, female, of OHF 2 classification and older than fifty years of age. Conversely they were least likely to experience a dental emergency if they were black, male, of OHF 1 classification and in the age group 31-40. Conclusion: The dental emergency rate of 307/1000 per year for the SANDF is high compared to military health units from other countries and it was influenced by race, age and gender. The types of dental emergencies were mainly preventable. / Dissertation (MChD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Community Dentistry / Unrestricted

[pt] O presente trabalho trata do orçamento de Defesa no Brasil, analisando o processo de elaboração do orçamento do Ministério da Defesa e das Forças Armadas, bem como os mecanismos políticos e administrativos utilizados para sua consolidação em âmbito federal, e sua aprovação pelo Congresso Nacional. Nesse sentido, evidencia-se o elevado grau de autonomia das Armas no desenvolvimento de seus orçamentos e na definição de sua agenda financeira. A supremacia do poder civil sobre as Forças Armadas é um dos pilares que constituem um regime democrático. Embora tenha havido avanços significativos nas relações civis-militares nos últimos 30 anos, o elevado nível de autonomia das Forças Armadas em questões como orçamento de Defesa, que deveriam ser amplamente discutidas por instituições civis, é um indicativo de que o Ministério da Defesa não é relevante para o controle civil sobre a caserna. Em sua organização enquanto corporação, as Forças Armadas visam a sua manutenção e garantia de seus interesses. Assim, no âmbito das questões orçamentárias, para assegurarem suas demandas, se utilizam de diversos mecanismo, entre eles, um intenso trabalho de assessoria parlamentar dentro do Congresso Nacional. / [en] The present work deals with the Defense budget in Brazil, analyzing the budget elaboration process of the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces, as well as the political and administrative mechanisms used for its consolidation at the federal level, and its approval by the Congress. From that point of view, the high degree of autonomy of the Arms in developing their budgets and defining their financial agenda is evident. The supremacy of civil power over the Armed Forces is one of the pillars that constitute a democratic regime. Although there have been significant advances in civil-military relations over the past 30 years, the high level of autonomy of the Armed Forces on issues such as the Defense budget, which should be widely discussed by civilian institutions, is an indication that the Ministry of Defense is not relevant to civil control over the barracks. In its organization as a corporation, the Armed Forces aim to maintain and guarantee its interests. Thus, in the scope of budgetary issues, to ensure their demands, various mechanisms are used, including an intense work of parliamentary advisory within the Congress.

The creation of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF) in 1973 allowed U.S. presidents to deploy American military power in times and places of their own choosing with fewer concerns that the electorate would turn against their leadership. A reaction to the trauma of the Vietnam War, the AVF did away with conscription and instead relied on volunteers to serve and fight in U.S. military operations. The AVF's ranks were mostly filled with those willing to deploy and fight for their country, without the U.S. having to rely on conscription. When U.S. presidents had to use the AVF to fight in conflicts, they could expect to enjoy a higher degree of public support than those presidents who led the U.S. military during the Korean and Vietnam wars. Drawing from casualty, financial, and public opinion statistics from 1949 through 2016, this thesis argues that with the adoption of the AVF in 1973 U.S. presidents have been better able to deploy the AVF in combat with less resistance from the American people. It examines the circumstances behind the creation of the AVF, looking second, at the deployment of the AVF from the Gulf War to the Global War on Terror to determine if U.S. presidents enjoyed popular support and were encouraged to rely on military force as the primary option in foreign policy. Finally, the study compares casualties, financial costs, and public support for conflicts relying on conscripted forces to those depending on the AVF to examine if U.S. presidents were better able to involve the U.S. in military conflicts of questionable interest with fewer worries about organized anti-war movements. The conclusions of my research revealed that my hypothesis was wrong in that the creation of the AVF did not mean the U.S. presidency enjoyed a higher degree of support during conflicts. With the exception of the Gulf War, presidential approval when using the AVF was less than 50% in every conflict by the time military operations ended. The majority of conflicts disclosed that public approval and disapproval was based on casualties, regardless if service members were draftees or volunteers, as well as financial costs. For Korea and Vietnam, high casualties and financial costs resulted in approval levels dropping quickly while Afghanistan and Iraq took longer because casualties and spending did not escalate as quickly. As a result, I discovered that public approval and disapproval levels influenced political change. In the case of Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, it forewarned changes in political leadership while conflicts such as Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo were kept short and inexpensive to prevent political opposition from organizing against the presidency. / Master of Arts / This thesis explores presidential use of military power from 1949 through 2016, examining the impact of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF). The research looks at whether the AVF is associated with U.S. presidents having more public support when using military power in various parts of the world. Prior to the AVF, conscription helped meet the personnel needs of the U.S. military; however, this system became problematic when it was used to fight conflicts that became unpopular with the American public. Not only were the loyalty and performance of the conscripts often questionable, the public also frequently placed pressure on presidents to curb U.S. military operations overseas. This thesis examines the emergence of the AVF, how presidents have deployed it, and the differences in American public support, casualties, and financial costs between the use of the conscript force and the AVF under U.S. presidents in major military conflicts from 1949 through 2016. The findings revealed very little difference in presidential use of military power whether employing the conscript force or the AVF. An examination of the nation’s major conflicts since 1949 suggests that public support was based on U.S. lives lost and monies spent, with higher levels of these categories associated with lower presidential approval and higher disapproval ratings. In conclusion, although the AVF was created to end the need for the draft to support national defense, the American public remained concerned about how U.S. presidents used the military overseas especially when engaged in distant open-ended conflicts.

The purpose of this study is four-fold: (1) to present through an analysis of life needs the nature and source of a curriculum best adapted to democracy; (2) to present fairly some of the reasons why a curriculum must be founded on democracy if democracy survives the dangerous forces that threaten to obliterate its very existence; (3) to make an unprejudiced analysis of the regular situation now existing in Oklahoma schools at the present time to find whether her schools are meeting this challenge to democracy; and (4) to offer from the comparison of the summaries of these data recommendations whereby all schools may have a curriculum "rooted in the life of its people"--a program that contributes to democracy and permanent national defense.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Mark P. Parillo / The Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line, a key program under President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s “New Look” policy, prepared the United States defense posture for “the long haul” in the Cold War. Eisenhower wanted to prevent the escalation of military costs while still providing an adequate defense. Eisenhower emphasized a retaliatory capability and improved continental defenses, the so-called “sword and shield,” which are key features of the New Look. The DEW Line would prove to be a vital component of both. Whereas the initial emphasis of the DEW Line was to warn against attack providing for both active and passive defense measures, soon there was a definite “counter-offensive” role for the DEW Line as well—the protection of the primary retaliatory capability of the United States: the Strategic Air Command (SAC). The place of the DEW Line in the history of the Cold War has been an under appreciated topic. With the exception of the scholarship from the 1950s and early 1960s, only recently have continental defense and particularly the DEW Line been removed from the shadows of other Cold War events, strategies, and military programs. This doctoral thesis is an account of the DEW Line’s conception, implementation, and position in Eisenhower’s New Look and deterrent strategy. The DEW Line proved to be a cardinal feature of Eisenhower’s New Look strategy: it strengthened overall U.S. defenses and defense posture as the one element of U.S. defense policy (“New Look”) that improved and connected both the active and passive measures of continental defense by providing early warning against manned bombers flying over the polar region; it bolstered the deterrent value of SAC; and it was instrumental in developing closer peacetime military cooperation between the United States and Canada. In fact, U.S.- Canadian diplomacy during the 1950s offers an important case study in “superpowermiddle power” interaction. However, despite the asymmetry in their relationship, U.S.- Canadian defense policies proved to be analogous. All of these objectives could not have been accomplished without the technological and logistical abilities necessary to construct successfully the DEW Line.

This dissertation investigated the curious appearance of English as a second language pedagogy for African American freshmen at the University of Wisconsin, Madison in the Fall of 1969 (Scott & Angle, 1970, p. 4). The work explored the researcher’s professional and financial interests in literacy problems that attracted both foundation and National Defense of Education Act funding. Looking beyond disciplinary drama, this dissertation suggested that binaries between marginal researchers and creative ones take away from the complexity of disciplinarity. Oppositions foreclosed on indexing the normative role that sponsors played in our post-World War II and Cold War histories in English instruction.

Pagrindinės sąvokos: žmogaus teisės, prigimtinės ir pozytiviosios teisės, LR krašto apsaugos sistema, Lietuvos kariuomenė, statutai, Europos Sąjunga, Šiaurės Atlanto Sutarties Organizacija, buvusios TSRS ginkluotosios pajėgos, valdymo modelis, etatizmas, humanizmas, nestatutiniai santykiai, statutinis pareigūnas, drausmė ir disciplina. Santraukos turinys: santraukoje pateikiama darbo tema bei pagrindinės, darbe vartojamos sąvokos. Aprašyta, ką autorius nagrinėja darbe, kas turi įtakos žmogaus teisių krašto apsaugos sistemoje institutui ir jo raidos tendencijas, kokių nuostatų laikomasi rašant darbą. Pateikiama žmogaus teisių esmė bei jų įgyvendinimo ir apsaugos problemos. Žmogaus teisės bendrąja prasme gali būti suprantamos kaip vertybių, apimančių individo teises, laisves ir pareigas, kompleksas. Istorinė raida, išorinės ir vidinės valstybės ir visuomenės permainos, valstybės valdymo modelis, vyraujanti ideologija leidžia nagrinėti žmogaus teises įvairiais aspektais. Darbe nagrinėjamas bei lyginamas TSRS bei nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės žmogaus teisių institutas ginkluotosiose pajėgose. Žmogaus teisių reglamentavimo bei apsaugos raidos tendencijos ir ypatumai atskleidžiami, analizuojant vyraujančias prigimtinių teisių bei pozityviojo etatizmo doktrinas, istorines aplinkybes, valstybės valdymo modelius, jų įtaką žmogaus teisių institutui, taip pat akcentuojant žmogaus teisių įgyvendinimo kariuomenėje problemas. Darbe laikomasi nuostatos, kad sovietinis paveldas turi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Main concepts: human rights, natural and positive rights, national defense system of the Republic of Lithuania, Lithuanian army, statutes, European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), USSR armament, control model, etatism, humanism, unstatutory intercourse, statutory servant, discipline. Summary: work name and main concepts used in this work are given in the summary. It is described, what author analyses in this work, what influences on human rights’ institution and it’s development tendencies, what attitudes he has when writing this work. The essence of human rights and problems of its implementation and protection are provided. Human rights in common sense might be understood as a complex of values, involving rights/liberties and duties of an individual. External development, external and internal state changes, model of state government, ruling ideology lets to analyze human rights in various aspects. Human rights’ institution in armament of USSR and independent Lithuania are analyzed and compared. Regulation of human rights and protection development tendencies and singularities are revealed by analyzing doctrines of dominant natural rights and positive etatism, historical circumstances, models of state government, their influence on human rights institution as well as emphasizing implementation of human rights in army. An attitude, that soviet heritage has an influence today, is kept in the work. The origin of unstatutory intercourse, determining... [to full text]

Submitted by Claudinei Pracidelli (cpracide@ipen.br) on 2016-06-22T13:19:02Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-22T13:19:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Tese (Doutorado em Tecnologia Nuclear) / IPEN/T / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

abstract: Efforts to privilege STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) disciplines, initiatives, and industries in American discourse are arguably the foremost expressions of scientific authority in contemporary educational policy. Citing a diverse body of STEM literature, I discuss the histories and rationales that sustain the promotion of STEM. In doing so, I appropriate two concepts -Michel Foucault's Regime of Truth and Hayden White's Emplotment- for the purpose of analyzing the complex interests embodied by STEM discourse. I argue that the Sputnik Narrative is the prevailing story in STEM advocacy discourse. I claim that STEM advocates typically emplot this history as a Romance. Furthermore, I classify two major bases of appeal (rationales) that appear within this literature to justify STEM projects and proposals, "competition" and "equity." Throughout my writing, I cite discursive strategies for challenging and reimagining STEM history. My goal in indicating these sites of narrative possibilities is broaden the discursive field to new, perhaps liberating possibilities. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social and Philosophical Foundations of Education 2014