Approximately 250 nursery schools and 600 schools were destroyed during the First Karabakh War in Azerbaijan in 1988–94, interrupting the education of over 210,000 school-aged children. Of the 111,043 children until age 5, only 8,300 (7.5%) were registered in preschool, with around 90,000 children out of school and never enrolled. The purpose of this qualitative narrative research study was to explore how the protracted 30-year occupation of around 20% of Azerbaijani lands by Armenian armed forces impacted the educational journey of displaced Azerbaijani school-aged children, who are now adults, during and after the First Karabakh War in 1988-94. It also examined the extent it has affected their full economic integration into society today. Three participants took part in this study. Data collection included one semi-structured interview, a questionnaire, and a follow-up interview. All participants received interview questions prior to their main interview to facilitate reflection of lived experiences. The results indicated that despite years of displacement, hardship, and trauma, the children (now adults) were able to achieve economic prosperity with resilience and high family expectations. This finding suggests that despite experiencing hardship during war, children may be able to achieve economic prosperity if they acquire critical skills to succeed in the labor market with active family involvement, becoming contributing members of society and enjoying financial stability as adults.

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the 'unrecognised state' of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the 'official' or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a 'no war no peace' situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.

In a world where nationalist movements are on the rise with the potential to contest state legitimacy, the study of nationalism both as a political phenomenon and as an academic topic becomes more salient. / This study attempts to explain the causes of nationalism, as well as the conditions that contribute to its militarization. It advances working definitions of the concepts of ethnic groups, nations and nationalism, and identifies the differences between ethnic and national politics. The emergence of nationalism is analyzed through a model. which aims to present a causal relationship between nation, nationalism and militarized crisis. The derived propositions and hypotheses are tested on the Nagorno-Karabagh case, an irredentist conflict in Transcaucasia that has developed into a militarized crisis and has escalated to war.

After the Soviet dissolution, the newly independent post-Soviet state of Azerbaijan intensified its efforts at developing its relations with the United States. Based on the analysis of the Azerbaijan&ndash / U.S. relations between1991-2006, the thesis tries to answer which factors could account for the existing political problems between these countries, given that both countries have a common interest in deepening their cooperation concerning the Caspian energy resources as well as the fight against international terrorism. This thesis argues that although both countries have many interests in common, they are unable to deepen their level of cooperation because of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem which, since it breaches the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, is that state&rsquo / s main priority. The thesis has four main chapters: after a general overview of the evolution of Azerbaijan&rsquo / s foreign policy in the post-Soviet era and the U.S. policies towards the Caucasus, I examine Azerbaijan&rsquo / s cooperation with the U.S. in the field of energy, the Nagorno-Karabakh problem in Azerbaijan&rsquo / s relations with the U.S., and Azerbaijan&rsquo / s cooperation with the U.S. in the fight against international terrorism. In this thesis I focus on these three interests of Azerbaijan in its relations with the U.S. because in analyzing this country&rsquo / s foreign policy these are vital issues that include economic development, territorial integrity and its global political role concerning security.

Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2006. / Political Science Dept. Includes bibliographical references.

This diploma thesis deals with issues of statehood. In this study, we examined the de facto states, i.e. countries that are not internationally recognized. First described the characteristics of the state. Subsequently, we examined the international recognition of the state. It will also define the term de facto work is divided into four main chapters. On the basis of the criteria laid down Montevideo Convention of 1933 will be discussed features of statehood. Described is also the state sovereignty and the principles of international recognition by members of the international community. In the second chapter will be presented in greater detail the general features of de facto states. Attention will be paid to formation of de facto states including a detailed explanation of the issue of the right to self-determination and secession. In the third and fourth chapters, attention will be given to the two de facto states, Turkish Republic of Northern and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. In these chapters, the emphasis is also on the historical aspects, the political situation inside these entities, as well as in the whole region. Another goal of these chapters is also to analyse the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. In the case of Northern Cyprus will be analysed in particular the judgments of...

This study examines the media coverage of the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh during a war in the region in 2020. Drawing on the theoretical framework of humanitarian journalism, it first looks at the attention given to the issue within the daily coverage of the war, then turns to explore patterns in the narration of the past events and present situation in feature stories. Two transnational and two regional news outlets are analysed (The Guardian and Al Jazeera, Sputnik and Hürriyet), which all address a global audience through English, but represent different journalistic traditions, are based in countries with diverse involvement in the conflict and proximity to its parties, and have received different amount of attention in the research of humanitarian journalism. The results suggest that the humanitarian crisis in the region received little attention in general within the daily coverage of the war. People of the region were cited rarely in the reports on their condition and were largely absent from the news photographs too. They were depicted in feature articles mostly through their experience of fighting, limiting the diverse contexts of their lives. Although geographical, political and cultural proximity is argued to have affected the reporting by regional outlets, similarities and differences across the two groups were observed too.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is a territorial and ethnic conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh that has led to war, displacement, trauma and continuing animosities. This thesis examines the differential long-term effects of the conflict in the lives of Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) and refugees from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh who have remained largely excluded from current peacebuilding initiatives. Ethnographic fieldwork and interviews were conducted with displaced and refugee women and with queers in Sumgayit and Baku in Azerbaijan and around Tbilisi in Georgia. The research uses an intersectional sensibility to explore the constitution and effects of economic hardship, ill-health and social exclusion as well the militarization in the life histories and everyday experiences of IDP and refugee women and queers. On this basis, it reflects what their participation, insights and concerns could contribute to the stalled peace processes and what cultural and societal changes will be required for peacebuilding and a more lasting resolution of this frozen conflict. Key words: Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, gender, ethnicity, intersectionality, peacebuilding, militarization, queer community, IDP and refugee women 1

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the ¿unrecognised state¿ of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the ¿official¿ or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a ¿no war no peace¿ situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.

This study has been conducted to investigate the current situation and the possible outcomes in the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The conflict predominantly concerns the status of the Karabakh region, a region legally belonging to Azerbaijan, but which up to recent events in 2023 has been under control of Armenian separatists. The study had the goal of explaining the conflict and its outcomes with the use of the theoretical perspective’s realism and liberal internationalism. The study was conducted using a grounded theory approach and found several key factors influencing the conflict and its future. The realist perspective has contributed to the analysis by suggesting the conquest of the Karabakh region can be seen as a compensation from the Armenia- Russian alliance to deter further conflict. Using the liberal internationalist perspective to evaluate the situation has led to the conclusions that international institutions did not achieve a successful hold in the region in the post-soviet space as there was an existing conflict with already dominating powers percent. However, with the Russian withdrawal, the European Union has increased its role as a negotiator. This, combined with the Azerbaijanian control of the Karabakh region, the role of oil trade, and the Armenian state promoting diplomacy and institutions, may increase the likelihood of peace.