Orientadores: Sergio Henrique Ferreira da Cunha, Ariovaldo Garcia / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Eletrica / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T01:40:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nasser_IvanaCosta_M.pdf: 4463066 bytes, checksum: 3d3b52301fca2abd3f707ec9abacdcd4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991 / Resumo: A operação de um sistema elétrico interligado, composto por diversas empresas concessionárias, prevê, como um de seus objetivos, o estabelecimento de trocas de energia e potência entre as empresas, de forma a obter uma utilização mais racional dos recursos. É possível, dessa maneira, garantir uma maior confiabilidade ao consumidor a custos mais baixos. Os intercâmbios se processam com base em critérios que determinam as responsabilidades de suprimento entre as empresas e se constituem de contratos firmes ou acordos temporários. Este trabalho tem por objetivo propor um critério para determinação de suprimentos de potência entre empresas concessionárias organizadas em pool, a partir da formulação e análise de sete métodos alternativos. Em termos metodológicos, seis desses critérios caracterizam-se por apresentar um enfoque clássico do problema, baseado na alocação de responsabilidades de geração de ponta. O sétimo método, denominado "determinação direta de contratos¿, apresenta uma nova abordagem que formula o problema como um problema de programação linear estocástica, resolvido com o auxílio das técnicas de Simulação Monte-Carlo e Decomposição de Benders. Os resultados finais são discutidos a partir de uma aplicação dos critérios para o sistema Sul/Sudeste,em sua configuração prevista para dezembro de 1994 / Abstract: One of objectives of the operation of an interconnected power system, composed of several utilities, is to determine energy and peak exchanges, in order to optimize the use of energy resources. ln this way, it's possible to provide a higher reliability to customers with lower costs. These exchanges are based on criteria which define the supply responsibility among the pooled participants. The supply responsibilities can be settled as firm contracts or temporary agreements. This work proposes a new criterion for peak supply in a power pool. The proposed criterion is selected from seven alternative methods. ln terms of methodology, six of the proposed criteria present a classical approach to the question, that is allocation of supply responsibilities. The seventh one, called "direct determination of contracts", presents a different approach, characterizing the problem as a stochastic linear programming problem, solved by Monte Carlo Simulations and Benders Decomposition techniques. The results of an application are discussed. The case study considers the South/Southeast interconnected power system in Brazil, in its predicted configuration for December 1994 / Mestrado / Mestre em Engenharia Elétrica

This study aims to examine the degree of influence that societal and organizational cultures, as specified by the GLOBE project, have on employment equity in the Omani public sector. Therefore, a theoretical framework has been built and developed in two main areas, which are culture and employment equity. In addition, the methodology of the study has been designed to use both quantitative and qualitative research approaches for triangulation. Quantitative data was collected from a sample of 290 Omani civil servants representing several public organizations, while qualitative data was collected in a single case study of Oman’s Royal Court Affairs (RCA) organization, 12 general managers from which were interviewed. The independent variables were dimensions of societal and organizational culture, and the dependent variables were employment equity in general, which includes seven critical success factors behind employment equity. The analysis for the quantitative data was carried out using SPSS software, while interviews were analysed manually due to the small number of participants. The results of the study confirm that societal and organizational cultures have significant influence on employment equity (EE). However, not all cultural dimensions have the same direction or degree of influence on employment equity. In fact, some of these dimensions have no significant correlation with EE. Also, the study found that there were no differences between managers’ and employees’ responses with regard to 34 cultural dimensions out of 36. The two dimensions in which the results differed between these groups were Human Orientation and Future Orientation for organizational culture value. Additionally, the results show that participants believe that there is a real need for higher EE in the Omani public sector as there were clear differences between current practices of EE and how it should be. Moreover, there were significant positive correlations between all seven critical success factors behind effective EE. This result indicates that these factors are interacting between each other in a positive way. Also, a suggested framework was developed to show how government and other organizations could positively use and benefit from the influences of cultural dimensions to enhance EE among employees. Researchers also could benefit from such a framework as well as the overall findings of this thesis by using them as a starting point for further research to fill the observed knowledge gap in this area.

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O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990 / The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990

O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990 / The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990

Este trabalho enfoca dois romances egípcios traduzidos para o inglês: City of Love and Ashes, de Yusuf Idris, escrito em 1955 e publicado em 1956, e War in the Land of Egypt, de Yusuf al-Qa\'id, escrito em 1975 e publicado em Beirute em 1978. Ao tematizar a libertação nacional no centro da ação do enredo, ambos veicularam críticas ao regime militar instalado após o golpe de junho de 1952, mas por caminhos distintos. Enquanto a obra de Idris apresenta um enredo otimista que dispensa o exército e assim constitui uma espécie de história alternativa, o texto de al-Qa\'id levanta um ataque frontal às instituições estatais do país, mas termina por reforçar sua presença e mandato. A comparação dos dois romances expõe a complexidade política crescente que a existência prolongada do exército no poder representou para a intelectual crítica egípcia. / This work focuses on two Egyptian novels translated to English: City of Love and Ashes, by author Yusuf Idris, written in 1955 and published in 1956, and War in the Land of Egypt, by Yusuf al-Qa\'id, written in 1975 and published in Beirut in 1978. By framing national liberation at the core of the plot\'s action, both have aired criticisms of the military regime implemented by the coup of June 1952, but through distinct paths. While Idris\' work present an optimistic plot that foregoes the army and thus constitutes a sort of alternative history, al-Qa\'id\'s text deploys a frontal attack on the state institutions of the country, but ends up reinforcing its presence and mandate. The comparison of these two novels exposes the growing political complexity that the prolonged existence of the army in power represented to the Egyptian critical intelligentsia.

Este trabalho enfoca dois romances egípcios traduzidos para o inglês: City of Love and Ashes, de Yusuf Idris, escrito em 1955 e publicado em 1956, e War in the Land of Egypt, de Yusuf al-Qa\'id, escrito em 1975 e publicado em Beirute em 1978. Ao tematizar a libertação nacional no centro da ação do enredo, ambos veicularam críticas ao regime militar instalado após o golpe de junho de 1952, mas por caminhos distintos. Enquanto a obra de Idris apresenta um enredo otimista que dispensa o exército e assim constitui uma espécie de história alternativa, o texto de al-Qa\'id levanta um ataque frontal às instituições estatais do país, mas termina por reforçar sua presença e mandato. A comparação dos dois romances expõe a complexidade política crescente que a existência prolongada do exército no poder representou para a intelectual crítica egípcia. / This work focuses on two Egyptian novels translated to English: City of Love and Ashes, by author Yusuf Idris, written in 1955 and published in 1956, and War in the Land of Egypt, by Yusuf al-Qa\'id, written in 1975 and published in Beirut in 1978. By framing national liberation at the core of the plot\'s action, both have aired criticisms of the military regime implemented by the coup of June 1952, but through distinct paths. While Idris\' work present an optimistic plot that foregoes the army and thus constitutes a sort of alternative history, al-Qa\'id\'s text deploys a frontal attack on the state institutions of the country, but ends up reinforcing its presence and mandate. The comparison of these two novels exposes the growing political complexity that the prolonged existence of the army in power represented to the Egyptian critical intelligentsia.

In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.

This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between two main inspiration sources of the Arab world, both emerged in Egypt: Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood. The focus is defined as the relationship between the Egyptian state of Nasser&rsquo / s era and the Muslim Brotherhood / hence the time period is determined to be between 1952 and 1970. The reason why I have chosen this subject is that for the Middle East in general, and Egypt in particular, both actors have played a significant role in the path of deposing Western colonialism and engaging with modernism. On the other hand as both sides could provide alternative theories and means of governance against each other, the relationship seems more than interesting / especially regarding region&rsquo / s endeavor of providing a strong response and local alternatives to dominant Western values of modernism, it seems more than worthy to focus on these two main players and their interactions with each other.

The foreign policy of the United States in the Middle East has taken many twists and turns since the first American citizens were taken captive by North African pirates in 1784. These foreign lands are a constant presence for contemporary Americans. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th, the United States has been continuously at war. “Tellingly, the Asian greens that once camouflaged the fatigues of U.S. troops have burnished to Arabian browns and yellows, and Arabic has supplanted Russian as the lingua sancta of the intelligence services.”Unfortunately, constantly shifting motivations for US foreign policy in the Middle East has led to a situation that emboldens our enemies, weakens our allies trust, and makes us an unpredictable player in the Middle East. This thesis will examine the conflict between idealism and pragmatism in American relations with the Middle East, specifically during the 1950s under the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. Before launching into this task, it is essential to answer basic questions that will guide the reader through this thesis: How has the ‘Middle East’ been defined as a geographic area and a zone of contention? Why does this thesis identify the 1950s as thecrucial period for exploring the tenets of US Foreign Policy in relation to this zone? And how does the conflict between idealism and pragmatism emerge as the key tension in US rhetoric and action related to the Middle East?