No description available.

Cette thèse traite de l'évolution du cadre organisationnel et institutionnel de l'industrie pétrolière russe durant la période 1992-2012. Son objectif est de caractériser et d'interpréter l'accroissement du rôle des compagnies pétrolières à capitaux majoritairement publics, Rosneft et Gazpromneft, dans les opérations de l'amont pétrolier qui est observé depuis le milieu des années 2000. Dans ce cadre théorique de la Nouvelle économie institutionnelle, notre thèse soutient que le rôle accru des compagnies pétrolières publiques russes marque le passage d'une structure de gouvernance pétrolière libérale à une structure de gouvernance pétrolière hybride. Cela doit être interprété comme la réponse faisable, de la part des autorités fédérales, à l'incohérence existant entre la structure de gouvernance pétrolière libérale définie au début du processus de transition et l'environnement institutionnel prévalant en Russie. / This PhD dissertation deals with the evolution of the institutional and organizational framework of the Russian oil indThis PhD dissertation deals with the evolution of the institutional and organizational framework of the Russian oil industry during the period 1992-2012. Its main objective is to characterize and reinterpret the increasing involvement of the national oil companies (NOCs), Rosneft and Gazpromneft, in the upstream activities observed since the middle of the 2000's. Relying on the New Institutional Economics framewrokd, we argue that the increasing involvement of the Russian NOCs can be characterized as a change from a liberal oil governance structure to a hybrid oil governance structure. We show that this organizational evolution must be interpreted as the feasible reform that can be implemented by the federal authorities for dealing with the incoherence between the liberal governance structure defined at the beginning of the transition process and the Russian institutional environment.

Submitted by Yarui Dun (yarui0422@gmail.com) on 2017-05-17T19:30:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertation Yarui Dun.pdf: 3370034 bytes, checksum: 0971a3c099bb023b78027e1514037a71 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2017-05-18T14:29:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertation Yarui Dun.pdf: 3370034 bytes, checksum: 0971a3c099bb023b78027e1514037a71 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-30T17:36:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertation Yarui Dun.pdf: 3370034 bytes, checksum: 0971a3c099bb023b78027e1514037a71 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-02 / State capitalism, the statist planning in certain economic sectors, has generated several state-owned enterprises (SOEs) that represent a significant share of activity in the global market. Despite decades of liberalization and privatization in many countries, state ownership and state-led business activity remain widespread; yet new varieties of state capitalism have also emerged. Among these new varieties, state-controlled oil and natural gas entities, also known as nation oil companies (NOCs), represent a type of hybrid organization that specifically deserves scholars’ attention as they dominate the world’s oil & gas industry; yet many of the cases prove to be problematic. The emerging markets possess some of the most important NOC players, yet scant examination has been made to question their appropriateness. This paper presents a contextualized comparison between two NOCs that root in Brazil and China to illustrate how similar and different they are in terms of their ownership style, corporate governance characteristics, and the interactions they have with the host government. We analyzed the findings by matching them with the past theories that offer explanations on NOC performance variation. We concluded that first, regime type is not a dependable factor to indicate the actual state incentives to maintain NOCs, and the goals of state serve only as an equivocate factor in explaining the variation in NOC performances. Secondly, we speculated that due to the absence of a cohesive institutional logic and consistency, Brazil has a fragmented governance system that implies in inappropriateness of state capitalism. Thirdly, we discovered that the unique dynamics between informal and formal institutions in China may justify the better fitness of state capitalism when compared with Brazil. Certain limits to the research method and expectations on further inquiries are also developed.

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

Les besoins en pétrole ont généré des dépendances et des fragilités, autant au niveau des pays consommateurs, que producteurs. Cette ressource a un rôle stratégique dans notre société, notamment dans le transport. Les NOCs (compagnies nationales pétrolières) en sont des acteurs centraux, qui poursuivent leurs objectifs, mais aussi des intérêts de l’Etat. Les pays dits BRIC (Brésil, Russie, Inde et Chine) sont des économies avec une influence significative sur le marché de l’énergie. Nous analysons deux comportements des NOCs pour améliorer la sécurité énergétique nationale : l’intégration verticale pour les pays consommateurs (Inde et Chine) et l’exploration réalisée par les coentreprises en partenariat avec les IOCs (compagnies privées) pour les producteurs (Brésil et Russie). Nous utilisons des méthodes économétriques et le calcul de rentabilité d’un projet d’exploration. Nous estimons le coût d’opportunité lié à un retard de la production. Le sujet est pertinent, dans un contexte d’instabilité politique de certains producteurs de pétrole et un prix du brut faible depuis la moitié de l’année 2014, obligeant les compagnies à revoir leurs stratégies. / Oil needs have generated dependencies and fragilities for producing and consuming countries. This resource plays a strategic role in our modern society. NOCs (National Oil Companies) are main actors pursuing, in addition to their objectives, State’s interest. BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) are economies with a significant influence on the energy market. In this research, we analyze two NOCs’ behaviors to improve national energy security: vertical integration for the consuming countries (India and China) and joint-ventures with IOCs (private companies) in exploration for the producing countries (Brazil and Russia). We use econometric methods and the profitability calculation in an exploration project. We calculate the opportunity cost related to a production delay. The subject is particularly relevant, in a context of political instability of certain oil producing areas and also with a low crude price since mid-2014, forcing oil companies to review their strategies.

No description available.

No description available.

Lorsque l’Etat décide de l’exploration ou de l’exploitation de ses réserves d’hydrocarbures, il n’est soumis à aucune règle internationale quant aux modalités de mise en œuvre de cette décision. Cette absence d’obligations n’a pas empêché les Etats développer, au niveau national, des règles réduisant leur liberté quant à la sélection des opérateurs. Aux négociations secrètes qui ont longtemps prévalu dans le secteur pétrolier, se sont alors substituées des procédures de mise en concurrence ouvertes s’appuyant sur des critères objectifs. Ayant pour but d’attirer l’investissement étranger et de faciliter la conclusion des contrats, elles se sont progressivement généralisées et standardisées, tant dans leur formalisme que dans leurs conditions. On constate alors un processus d’uniformisation globale des conditions d’accès aux réserves, auquel les institutions financières internationales ont directement ou indirectement pris part. L’un des aspects cruciaux des procédures d’attribution des droits a trait au rôle de l’entreprise pétrolière nationale. Celle-ci dispose souvent d’un traitement préférentiel. Dans de nombreux Etats, elle a en outre été traditionnellement chargée de l’octroi des contrats, combinant ainsi des fonctions qui lui ont permis de devenir un acteur incontournable du secteur. La standardisation de ses attributions a également fait l’objet d’un processus de convergence internationale, qui modifie le rapport entre l’Etat et l’investisseur étranger. / When the State decides to undertake the exploration or exploitation of its hydrocarbons reserves, it is not subject to any international obligation concerning the implementations of such decision. This lack of obligations has not prevented states from developing rules at the national level to reduce their freedom in the selection of operators. The secret negotiations that have long prevailed in the petroleum sector have been replaced by more transparent and open competition procedures, backed by objective criteria. With the objective of attracting foreign investment and facilitating the process of conclusion of contracts, those procedures have been progressively generalized and standardized, both in their formalism and in their terms. We consequently observe a global standardization process of the terms of access to reserves, in which international financial institutions have been directly or indirectly involved.One of the essential aspects of the procedure of rights allocation relates to the role of the national oil company. It enjoys preferential treatment, which has implications on the modalities of participation of foreign firms. Furthermore, in several states, the national oil company has been responsible for granting petroleum contracts, thereby combining functions that render it a key actor in the sector. The standardization of its attributions has also undergone a process of international convergence, which alters the relation between the State and the foreign investor.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The petroleum industry concern itself with natural resource extracting activities which are highly sensitive for contributing to environmental degradation by oil spills or gas flaring. A large proportion of the world’s oil and gas reserves is located in developing countries where the presence of multinational oil corporations (MNOCs) is high as host countries often lack the infrastructure needed or are financially unable to conduct extracting operations on their own. The Niger Delta in southern Nigeria has one of the largest oil reserves in Africa and is one of the world’s leading oil exporters. MNOCs like Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil and Statoil are some of the firms present in the Niger Delta region. The oil-rich area in the developing country poses high levels of political risk for the MNOCs. Local grievances, paired with environmental degradation and human rights violations by the oil companies, have led to a tense relationship between the local stakeholders and the MNOCs, with so-called petro-violence at the center of the oil conflict. Frequently, oil installations are sabotaged and crude oil is stolen, causing major financial losses for the firms, and armed attacks on oil facilities and kidnapping of MNOCs’ staff constitute the majority of political risks facing MNOCs operating in the Niger Delta. This study investigates how MNOCs can successfully manage such political risks, providing a business advantage in a challenging business environment. By addressing the companys’ own behaviour, the research analyses if social engagement through corporate social responsibility (CSR) can mitigate political risk in the Niger Delta. The study looks at two different MNOCs operating in the Niger delta, Shell and Statoil, and scrutinises their methods of implementation of their CSR initiatives. The difference in approaches to CSR is elucidated where Shell claims it has repositioned its approach from a top-down angle during the first years of conducting CSR projects, to a more stakeholder-oriented approach. Yet, their approach is still found to carry elements of the previous top-down approach, and has not resulted in satisfactory performance in relation to stated goals. Statoil undertakes a stakeholder-oriented bottom-up approach, executed with a high level of commitment. The stated CSR goals have to a great extent been met. By assessing the two companies’ CSR strategies in relation to the frequency of political risks experienced by each MNOC, the study finds that CSR has the potential to mitigate political risk depending on the approach to implementation, and could serve as a political risk management strategy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die brandstofbedryf is betrokke by die ontginning van natuurlike hulpbronne, ’n aktiwiteit wat hoogs sensitief is vir sy bydrae tot omgewingsbesoedeling as gevolg van storting van olie en opvlamming van gas. ’n Baie groot deel van die wêreld se olie en gas reserwes word aangetref in ontwikkelende lande. Die teenwoordigheid van Multinasionale Olie Korporasies (MNOKs) in hierdie lande is groot omdat daar gewoonlik ’n gebrek aan toepaslike infrastruktuur is en die lande ook nie finansieel in staat mag wees om die ontginning op hulle eie te doen nie. Die Niger Delta in die Suide van Nigerië beskik oor een van die grootste olie reserwes in Afrika en is een van die voorste olie uitvoerders in die wêreld. Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil en Statoil is van die bekende MNOK wat ontginning doen in die Niger Delta gebied. Die olieryke gebiede in ’n ontwikkelende land kan groot politieke risiko vir die MNOKs inhou. Plaaslike griewe gekoppel aan omgewings besoedeling en menseregte skendings deur die oliemaatskappye het gelei tot ’n gespanne verhouding tussen hulle en die plaaslike belange groepe, en sogenaamde “petrogeweld” staan sentraal hierin. Heel gereeld word olie-installasies gesaboteer en ru-olie word gesteel, wat natuurlik groot finansiële verliese die firmas inhou. Daarby word gewapende aanvalle op die olie-installasies uitgevoer en van die MNOKs se personeel ontvoer. Al hierdie dinge vorm die groot politieke risiko’s wat die MNOKs in die Niger Delta in die gesig staar. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe die MNOKs met welslae hierdie politieke risiko’s kan teenwerk om vir hulle ’n suksesvolle besigheid te vestig in ’n baie mededingende bedryfsomgewing. Deur te kyk na die maatskappy se eie gedrag, sal die navorsing analiseer of gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid deur korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV) die politieke risiko in die Niger Delta kan temper. Die studie kyk na twee verskillende MNOK wat in die gebied bedryf word, Shell en Statoil, en kyk noukeurig na die manier waarop hulle KSV inisiatiewe toegepas word. Die verskil in benadering tot die probleem word toegelig deur die feit dat Shell beweer dat hulle ’n bo-na-onder benadering in die beginjare van KSV projekte verander het na ’n beleid waar meer na die betrokkenheid van belangegroepe gekyk word. Tog word gevind dat daar nog oorblyfsels is van die bo-na-onder benadering en dat doelwitte wat gestel is nie bevredigend bereik is nie. Statoil daarenteen. Implementeer ’n onder-na-bo benadering met betrokkenheid van belangegroepe en ’n hoë vlak van toewyding deur die maatskappy. Die gestelde KSV doelwitte is grootliks behaal. Deur te kyk na die twee maatskappye se ervaring van politieke risiko in verhouding met hulle KSV strategieë bevind hierdie studie dat KSV wel die potensiaal het om, as dit suksesvol toegepas word, politieke risiko te temper en dus kan die as ’n strategie om sodanige risiko te bestuur.

The thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia's Petronas and India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.