The aim of this thesis is to examine the relationship between language and nation-building. The research is based on critical analysis of nation, nationalism, nation-building and language ideology theories. These theories are applied in the case study: Language as a symbol of the Ukrainian national identity. In order to analyze the origins of such symbolism, the Ukrainian nation-building project is analyzed in historical and political context. In the case study the model of the Ukrainian nation-building is examined through the prism of language policy. This thesis outlines the shortcomings of current state language policy and suggests recommendations for its future improvement.

In Cyprus that experienced British imperial rule from 1878 until 1960, Greek and Turkish nationalism developed at different historical periods and at different paces. Relations between Turkish Cypriots and the British on the one hand, and Greek Cypriots and the British on the other, were asymmetrical. During the colonial era in Cyprus, the Muslim community had undergone an enormous change in terms of national/ethnic identity and class characteristics. Turkish Cypriot nationalism developed belatedly as a militant nationalist and anti-Enosis movement. Against this background this thesis explores the relationship between the emergence of the Turkish national identity and the British colonial rule because the latter set out the international, political, social and ideological context wherein the Turkish national identity was shaped. In particular this thesis focusing on the period between the two World Wars (1923-1939) when the transformation of the Muslims of Cyprus into Turkish Cypriots occurred, examines the extent to which the British rule affected the process of development of Turkish nationalism on Cyprus. This thesis discusses educational and administrative policies implemented by the British rule that had an impact on the politics of the Muslim community of Cyprus. The development of Turkish Cypriot national identity is also placed in the broader international context of the Eastern Mediterranean, with due attention being paid to the role of both Turkey and Italy. The impact of the Kemalist reforms on Cyprus and the resultant division of Turkish Cypriots into two conflicting groups of Kemalists and traditionalists is presented, and British fears of Italian expansionism under Mussolini are also examined. The final conclusion is that while a Turkish Cypriot identity would inevitably have developed, the divisive way it developed was a result of the imperial policies the British rule implemented during the period in question.

This research seeks to understand how Québec governments have constructed the relation between national identity and cultural diversity from the 1960s’ Quiet Revolution to the 2010s by analyzing the discursive and historical dynamics that have shaped Québec identity politics in this period. First, it clarifies how national identity and cultural diversity are symbolically constructed in relation to one another by analyzing three key discursive lenses that have shaped the construction of national identity and cultural diversity in Québec since the Quiet Revolution, namely nationalism, pluralism, and secularism. These lenses offer different interpretations of the identity-diversity problematic, suggesting competing imperatives that social actors must balance against one another when constructing the relation between national identity and cultural diversity. Second, this research examines how state actors in Québec have mobilized these lenses through policy initiatives and discursive strategies and tried to influence how members of their community think about national identity and respond to cultural diversity. Québec governments’ approaches to diversity management have shifted significantly in this period, from promoting the French language and intercultural integration in the mid- to late-20th century to focusing on religious difference and rigid secularism in the early 21st century. Contributors to this shift include increasing nationalist anxieties through the 1990s, followed by the reasonable accommodation debate and the Bouchard-Taylor Commission in the 2000s. This analysis highlights the challenges that sub-state nationalists face when constructing the relation between national identity and cultural diversity, including the need to manage the cultural anxieties of the majority group. / Graduate

Under the latest presidential election in the USA debates of the national identity was one of the central topics, which have made the polarization between the parties wider. Today we know that people choose the media that sympathies with their opinion and turn from the media that challenge their political believes. By studying newspapers one can examine what they say about national identity and membership, which in turn shows which groups are represented in society. By using membership as a theory, the study gives a new theoretical approach and see if membership theory can describe how the American identity is described in newspapers. The study will analyze six American newspapers and ten articles per paper, in total of 60 articles. The method is describing analysis of ideas, which will be used to clarify and analyze how the newspapers are describing membership. All the newspapers are analyzed separately and, in the end, a comparative analysis between the papers is made. There are three major conclusions to been drawn. The first one shows a divided identity in USA, but all the papers have the same solution, it is the governments task to fix and restore the national identity. The second conclusion shows how divided the newspapers are from their ideological undertone from different points of views of membership. The third conclusion shows that all newspapers describe membership in different ways.

Thesis advisor: Peter Krause / What explains the lack of democracy in the Arab Middle East, when so many other, less wealthy regions of the world have democratized over the past five decades? This thesis engages with each of the major explanations for the "Arab democracy deficit"--Islam, the "oil curse," authoritarian statecraft, and external intervention--but argues that there is a more fundamental culprit for the region's woes: the weakness of state-based nationalism. At a time when nationalism is increasingly seen as synonymous with exclusion and discrimination, such a finding may strike many observers as counterintuitive. However, this thesis theoretically and empirically demonstrates how healthy, state-based nationalism can provide the societal cohesion needed to establish liberal governance. It then offers in-depth analyses of the development of national identity and democracy in eleven separate Arab countries, arguing that the rise of regional Arab nationalism in the 1950s severely undermined the development of state-based nationalism (wataniyya), and laid the groundwork for decades of instability, civil strife, and oppression. Fortunately, the examples of Tunisia and Lebanon--and to some extent Jordan and Morocco--demonstrate that wataniyya can lead to much more democratic outcomes when properly nurtured. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Scholar of the College. / Discipline: Political Science.

This dissertation is concerned with the question of whether nations grieve, whether the behaviour they exhibit in the wake of loss can be said to constitute grief. Initially exploring the concepts of both grief and nation in order to establish the feasibility of national grief as a notion, it goes on to examine the applicability of grief theory, traditionally developed in the context of the individual suffering bereavement, to large-scale national collectives which have undergone significant shared loss. The investigation is conducted with reference to two case studies: the Palestinian people in the aftermath of the loss of their land to the creation of Israel in the nakba of 1948; and Israel itself, as a manifestation of the European Jewish response to the holocaust and the centuries of loss and suffering which led up to it. In both cases, the relevant periods of history are scanned to see to what extent, if any, historical accounts reflect the contours and parameters of the grieving experience as the latter is described and defined in the grief theory literature. In addition, and serving to triangulate the evidence thus gleaned from national history, the contemporary visual arts of both nations, with their observation of and comment on the dominant features and issues of current national identity, are employed as data sources and explored with a view to ascertaining whether they reflect any themes expressive of or pertinent to collective historical loss and grief. The findings from this research into national history and identity within a grief experience framework may serve to open up a new direction for the further development of grief theory. They may also, in revealing the insights afforded by a grief theory perspective on long-term interactions within the global community, offer some contribution to the study of international relations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Sandro da Silveira Vieira.pdf: 536469 bytes, checksum: 55d725fdd0426d0aee9f9bca30af192e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-26 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / There is a consensus on the Social Sciences literature, being it Anthropology, Sociology or History, that Africans were of great importance on the social construction of Brazil. Those who were brought here from the 16th century as enslaved people belonged to two main ethnic linguistic groups: Sudaneses and Bantos. However, when the subject is the "Negro" influence on Brazilian society it is mainly the Sudanese contribution that is considered relevant as they are seen as being culturally superior to the Banto. This study has two objectives. The first one is to take the works of Nina Rodriques and Arthur Ramos, the founders of African Brazilian studies, and from this starting point investigate the African American studies in order to problemitize the alleged Sudanese superiority. The second point is find out the reasons for the maintenance of this belief among intellectuals who greatly vary not only in academic training, but algo in their theoretical frameworks. Thus, our analysis looks to unmask the process of construction of the nation that passes through an invented tradition with the purpose to legitimize the status of an african , ethnic linguistic group (the Sudaneses) as superior in relation to the others (Bantos) and admit it not only as part of the brazilian national identity, but also as the positive part of the national identity / É consenso na literatura das ciências sociais - antropologia, sociologia e história - a importância do africano negro na formação social do Brasil. Trazidos ao "novo mundo" como escravizados desde o século XVI, os africanos aqui aportados pertenciam a dois grupos etno-linguísticos: os Sudaneses e os Bantos. No entanto, quando o tema é a influência do "negro" na sociedade brasileira, os estudiosos referem-se principalmente à contribuição do grupo etno-linguistico sudanês, considerados pelos especialistas como portador de uma cultura superior em relação ao grupo etno-linguístico bento. O objetivo desse trabalho tem uma dupla finalidade. Primeiro, partindo das obras de Nina Rodrigues e Arthur Ramos, os fundadores dos estudos afro-brasileiros, rever essa bibliografia, a partir de um referencial teórico mais amplo: os estudos afro-americanos. Segundo, saber quais as razões de tal argumento perpetuar-se nas gerações posteriores aos dois autores citados, independentemente de sua formação intelectual, de sua problematização científica e de seus referenciais teóricos na abordagem do objeto. Assim, nossa análise procura desvendar o processo de construção da nação que passa por uma tradição inventada com a finalidade de legitimar o status de um grupo étnico-linguistico africano (os Sudaneses) como superior em relação aos outros (Bantos) e admiti-lo não só como parte integrante da identidade nacional brasileira, mas também como a parte positiva para a formação da identidade nacional

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Sandro da Silveira Vieira.pdf: 536469 bytes, checksum: 55d725fdd0426d0aee9f9bca30af192e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-26 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / There is a consensus on the Social Sciences literature, being it Anthropology, Sociology or History, that Africans were of great importance on the social construction of Brazil. Those who were brought here from the 16th century as enslaved people belonged to two main ethnic linguistic groups: Sudaneses and Bantos. However, when the subject is the "Negro" influence on Brazilian society it is mainly the Sudanese contribution that is considered relevant as they are seen as being culturally superior to the Banto. This study has two objectives. The first one is to take the works of Nina Rodriques and Arthur Ramos, the founders of African Brazilian studies, and from this starting point investigate the African American studies in order to problemitize the alleged Sudanese superiority. The second point is find out the reasons for the maintenance of this belief among intellectuals who greatly vary not only in academic training, but algo in their theoretical frameworks. Thus, our analysis looks to unmask the process of construction of the nation that passes through an invented tradition with the purpose to legitimize the status of an african , ethnic linguistic group (the Sudaneses) as superior in relation to the others (Bantos) and admit it not only as part of the brazilian national identity, but also as the positive part of the national identity / É consenso na literatura das ciências sociais - antropologia, sociologia e história - a importância do africano negro na formação social do Brasil. Trazidos ao "novo mundo" como escravizados desde o século XVI, os africanos aqui aportados pertenciam a dois grupos etno-linguísticos: os Sudaneses e os Bantos. No entanto, quando o tema é a influência do "negro" na sociedade brasileira, os estudiosos referem-se principalmente à contribuição do grupo etno-linguistico sudanês, considerados pelos especialistas como portador de uma cultura superior em relação ao grupo etno-linguístico bento. O objetivo desse trabalho tem uma dupla finalidade. Primeiro, partindo das obras de Nina Rodrigues e Arthur Ramos, os fundadores dos estudos afro-brasileiros, rever essa bibliografia, a partir de um referencial teórico mais amplo: os estudos afro-americanos. Segundo, saber quais as razões de tal argumento perpetuar-se nas gerações posteriores aos dois autores citados, independentemente de sua formação intelectual, de sua problematização científica e de seus referenciais teóricos na abordagem do objeto. Assim, nossa análise procura desvendar o processo de construção da nação que passa por uma tradição inventada com a finalidade de legitimar o status de um grupo étnico-linguistico africano (os Sudaneses) como superior em relação aos outros (Bantos) e admiti-lo não só como parte integrante da identidade nacional brasileira, mas também como a parte positiva para a formação da identidade nacional

Orientador: Rubens Pereira dos Santos / Banca: Ana Maria Domingues de Oliveira / Banca: Rejane Vecchia da Rocha e Silva / Resumo: Embora de países e vivências literárias distintas, Fernando Pessoa (1888 - 1935) e Agostinho Neto (1922 - 1979) possuem em comum a temática da identidade nacional em suas respectivas obras, Mensagem (1934) e Sagrada Esperança (1974). Pessoa perfaz o caminho traçado por Camões em Os Lusíadas, lançando luz sobre os mitos e exaltando a nação portuguesa por meio dos feitos históricos, como forma de resgatar as identidades coletivas portuguesas, ao passo que Agostinho traz uma poesia com vestes de engajamento em meio a um período de guerras para a conquista da independência de Angola, mostrando como a Literatura ocupa papel fundamental para a reconstrução social de povos colonizados. Utilizando o método comparativo, propõe-se uma reflexão sob o fazer poético como ferramenta de diálogo e discussão social, além de se promover novos olhares para as poesias estudadas, investigando aspectos semelhantes e dissonantes nos trabalhos poéticos e, assim, refletir sobre as relações entre colonizador e colonizado / Abstract: Although distintic countries and literary experiences, Fernando Pessoa (1888 - 1935) and Agostinho Neto (1922 - 1979) share the theme of national identity in their respective works, Mensagem (1934) and Sagrada Esperança (1974 ). Pessoa retraces the path taken by Camões in Os Lusíadas, shedding light on myths and extolling the Portuguese nation through historical events as a way to rescue the Portuguese collective identities, while Agostinho creates a poetry marked by engagement amid a period of wars for the conquest of Angola's independence, showing how Literature holds a fundamental role for the social reconstruction of colonized peoples. Using the comparative method, the propose is a reflection on the making of poetry as a tool for dialogue and social discussion, and to promote new approaches to the poems studied, investigating similar and dissonant aspects in the poetic works and thus reflect on the relationships between colonizer and colonized / Mestre

This dissertation examines the notion of nationhood and the intricacies of identity in Mauritius as depicted in the work of artists from this island. Through the writing of Ananda Devi, Shenaz Patel, Natacha Appanah, Amal Sewtohul, and Carl de Souza, as well as through the works of filmmakers Harikrisna Anenden and David Constantin, I analyze the distinctive ways in which these artists explore the burden of a traumatic past along with their ensuing representations of the present images of the Mauritian people. Their works best encapsulate the paradoxical place that Mauritius holds in the Francophone and Anglophone world, i.e. that it was first a French and then a British colony, which respectively introduced slavery and indentured servants to this island that had no autochthone population. As a result, the question of identity – both individual and national – remains intrinsically linked to the memory of slavery and of indentured servitude/Coolitude, in a country which history prior to colonization has little been explored. Thus far, critical work in Francophone literature has studied these two memories separately. My analysis creates a dialogue between them. This is crucial to the understanding of just how the intersection of slavery and Coolitude, have shaped today’s Mauritian national identity. Each chapter raises a key question on the subject: How does the writing of Devi, along with Anenden’s cinema, both of which are centered on marginalized communities, present a critical framework through which the socio-economic issues of the island can be studied? In what ways does Appanah’s fiction convoke historical events, while problematizing deeply engrained power dynamics? What does it mean for Patel and Constantin to give voice to the subaltern and to speak for/instead of a minority group? Finally, how do the works of these different writers, namely Patel, Appanah, Sewtohul and de Souza, address the complexities and tensions within the multicultural society of Mauritius? My conclusion reflects on the critical role and impact of artistic expression in the creation of a mosaic in which we can better understand the Mauritian nation when this country is at the milestone of 50 years of independence. / 2020-11-27T00:00:00Z