The study investigated whether the South African Research Chairs and the research programmes of the Department of Science and Technology and the National Research Foundation Programme (DST/NRF programmes), have made an effective contribution towards the acceleration of transformation in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in South Africa. The study argues that the implementation of the Higher Education (HE) policies by HEIs and the South African Research Chairs are seriously undermined by legacies of colonialism and apartheid. It is further contended that unless more funds are made available to black students to study full-time, the pillars of democracy of social justice, redress and equality remain meaningless ideological slogans. Guided by the insights provided by literature review on CDA, the study focuses more on the top-down relations of dominance (policy) that fuels continuing racial discrimination in higher education institutions, which the 2008 Final Report of the Ministerial Higher Education Committee isolated for criticism. The study posits that the thematic structural unifier, which links all the pieces of the multiplicity of the competing ideas and voices and threads through the whole study, is the endless probing and unravelling of the cultural and historical factors that continue to undermine the higher education transformation agenda. The findings of this study suggest that the policy implementation of the HE transformation agenda continues to be constrained by mismatch between policy objectives and implementation results. The findings also indicate that although the research-driven performance of South African Research Chairs has progressively improved each year and student support and research outputs increased between the 2008/09 and 2009/10 financial years, the direct impact of the SARChI programme can only be determined when performance is measured against the South African Research Chair Holders‟ baseline performance. The data also suggest that despite access to educational services at HEIs improving, the existence of various forms of discriminatory 15 practices, are still employed, a major challenge attributed to the “great man” leadership styles adopted by many university‟s vice chancellors and councils. This evaluation study utilises a small-scale purposive sample composed of three experts, with unstructured in-depth face-to-face interviews conducted with the experts. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

[pt] A partir do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso começou a ser adotado no Brasil um modelo de administração de serviços públicos de caráter público/privado, conhecido como Organização Social (OS). As OS são organizações privadas sem fins lucrativos que administram os mais variados serviços públicos nacionais. Atualmente existem cerca de 200 OSs nos planos municipal, estadual e federal, dentre elas a Rede Nacional de Ensino e Pesquisa - RNP, organização que cuida da operação bem como das questões estratégicas da Internet acadêmica brasileira. O objetivo desta dissertação é desenvolver uma análise do caso RNP visando a compreensão de sua atuação internacional e sua contribuição para a política externa brasileira. Minha hipótese pretende demonstrar que a atuação dupla da RNP, nas esferas pública e privada, potencializa sua influência na composição da agenda de política externa brasileira para a sociedade da informação e integração regional na medida em que possibilita a este ator participar simultaneamente de diferentes loci do processo decisório que influenciam na política externa. A partir de uma atuação burocrática, a RNP transita com facilidade pelas instâncias hierárquicas da burocracia e assume um papel análogo ao de uma minoria burocrática. Por meio de estratégias de influência tão, e em alguns casos até mais, capazes quanto às utilizadas pelos principais atores burocráticos, essas minorias asseguram seu espaço na arena do processo decisório de política externa. Em outro diapasão, a atuação não-estatal da RNP insere esta organização na rede horizontal de atores não-estatais em sua área de atuação. Face à relevância destes atores observada no bojo da revolução tecnológico-informacional, os mesmos vêm demonstrando efetiva participação na elaboração da política externa brasileira. / [en] Since Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s administration, Brazil started to adopt a public / private way for public services management, known as Social Organization (SO). The SOs are not-for-profit organizations that operate a variety of national public services. Currently, there are around 200 SOs operating at the local, estate and federal levels, among them Rede Nacional de Ensino e Pesquisa - RNP, the organization in charge of the Brazilian academic Internet operation and its strategic matters. The goal of this dissertation is to develop an analysis on RNP case, aiming at understanding its international actorness and its contribution for the Brazilian foreign policy. My hypothesis intends to show that RNP´s double actorness in the public and private realms, leverage its influence in the Brazilian foreign policy agenda for the information society and regional integration. This fact enables RNP to take part simultaneously in the different decision process loci that impact the country foreign policy. From bureaucratic acting, RNP moves with relative ease among the realms of the bureaucratic hierarchy and takes over a role analogous of a bureaucratic minority. By using influence strategies as capable as those used by the major bureaucratic actors, these minorities are able to conquer their space in the foreign policy decision process realm. On the other hand, the non-state RNP acting allows it to participate on the non-state actor network. On the forefront of the relevance of these non- state actors, observed on the realm of the information technology revolution, have been actively taking part in the construction of the Brazilian foreign policy agenda.

The study investigated whether the South African Research Chairs and the research programmes of the Department of Science and Technology and the National Research Foundation Programme (DST/NRF programmes), have made an effective contribution towards the acceleration of transformation in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in South Africa. The study argues that the implementation of the Higher Education (HE) policies by HEIs and the South African Research Chairs are seriously undermined by legacies of colonialism and apartheid. It is further contended that unless more funds are made available to black students to study full-time, the pillars of democracy of social justice, redress and equality remain meaningless ideological slogans. Guided by the insights provided by literature review on CDA, the study focuses more on the top-down relations of dominance (policy) that fuels continuing racial discrimination in higher education institutions, which the 2008 Final Report of the Ministerial Higher Education Committee isolated for criticism. The study posits that the thematic structural unifier, which links all the pieces of the multiplicity of the competing ideas and voices and threads through the whole study, is the endless probing and unravelling of the cultural and historical factors that continue to undermine the higher education transformation agenda. The findings of this study suggest that the policy implementation of the HE transformation agenda continues to be constrained by mismatch between policy objectives and implementation results. The findings also indicate that although the research-driven performance of South African Research Chairs has progressively improved each year and student support and research outputs increased between the 2008/09 and 2009/10 financial years, the direct impact of the SARChI programme can only be determined when performance is measured against the South African Research Chair Holders‟ baseline performance. The data also suggest that despite access to educational services at HEIs improving, the existence of various forms of discriminatory 15 practices, are still employed, a major challenge attributed to the “great man” leadership styles adopted by many university‟s vice chancellors and councils. This evaluation study utilises a small-scale purposive sample composed of three experts, with unstructured in-depth face-to-face interviews conducted with the experts. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

In dieser Studie werden Einstellungen zu sozialer Ungleichheit bzw. Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen und die Wahrnehmung von Einkommensungerechtigkeit durch die Bevölkerung in postkommunistischen und westlich-kapitalistischen Ländern zu verschiedenen Zeitpunkten untersucht. Im Zentrum stehen vor allem die Determinanten dieser subjektiven Bewertungen und Wahrnehmungen auf der Makro-Ebene. Wie lassen sich Unterschiede in den Einstellungen und Wahrnehmungen zwischen Ländern erklären? Für westliche Länder wird davon ausgegangen, dass im Wesentlichen der Wohlfahrtsstaat als zentrales Verteilungsarrangement jeweils prägend wirkt. Um den Einfluss des Wohlfahrtsstaates zu überprüfen, wird einerseits eine Typologie wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Regime herangezogen. Andererseits wird auch der Einfluss wohlfahrtsstaatsbezogener Makroindikatoren als nähere Charakterisierung der ausgewählten Länder getestet, was in der international vergleichenden Einstellungsforschung bislang vernachlässigt wurde. In postkommunistischen Ländern, die seit dem Systemwechsel im Vergleich zu westlichen Ländern nicht durch lange wohlfahrtsstaatliche Traditionen geprägt wurden, stehen eher die unterschiedlichen Transformationsverläufe als Erklärungshintergrund von Einstellungs- und Wahrnehmungsunterschieden auf Makro-Ebene zur Verfügung. Da die objektiven Strukturen, Institutionen und individuellen Lagen in postkommunistischen Ländern einem stärkeren sozialen Wandel unterlagen, ist hier im Gegensatz zu westlichen Ländern auch mit einem entsprechend stärkeren Wandel der Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen und Bewertungen zu rechnen. Die Daten für diese Studie stammen aus zwei internationalen Umfrageprojekten, dem ''International Social Justice Project'' (ISJP) von 1991, 1996 und 2000 sowie dem ''International Social Survey Programme'' (ISSP) von 1987, 1992 und 1999. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich Gerechtigkeitseinstellungen, die als normative Grundhaltungen von Menschen eher prinzipieller Art sind, besser durch wohlfahrtsstaatliche Regimes erklären lassen, die diese Grundhaltungen institutionell inkorporieren und strukturell transportieren, während subjektive Wahrnehmungen von Einkommensungerechtigkeit besser durch konkretere wohlfahrtsstaatliche Makroindikatoren beeinflusst werden. / This study analyzes attitudes towards social inequality, justice ideologies and the perceived amount of injustice with respect to the distribution of income in post-communist and western-capitalist countries at different times, with a specific focus on the macro level determinants of subjective judgements and perceptions. How can country differences with respect to subjective judgements and perceptions be explained? One can assume that, for western countries, the welfare state is the main distribution arrangement shaping these subjective aspects. In order to analyze the influence of the welfare state, a typology of welfare state regimes is developed. In addition, the effects of macro indicators of the welfare state, conceptualized as more specific characteristics of the selected countries, are tested, which has been previously neglected in cross-national attitude research. In post-communist countries, which were not shaped by long national welfare state traditions as much as in western countries, the different transformation processes and their success are more suitable for explaining divergent macro-level attitudes and perceptions. As objective structures, institutions and the individual situations in post-communist countries have gone through a stronger process of social change than in western countries, a stronger change in justice attitudes, evaluations and perceptions can be accounted here accordingly. Data for this study come from two international survey projects, the ''International Social Justice Project'' (ISJP) 1991, 1996 and 2000 and the ''International Social Survey Programme'' (ISSP) 1987, 1992 and 1999. The results demonstrate that justice attitudes, which are rather basic normative attitudes, can be better explained by welfare state regimes which incorporate these basic attitudes institutionally and transport them structurally, whereas subjective perceptions, such as the perception of social injustice with respect to the income distribution, are affected by more concrete welfare related macro indicators.