The purpose of this study is to measure the physical fitness levels of Navajo girls fourteen to sixteen years of age using the AAHPER Youth Fitness Test and to establish norms based upon scores determined from test results from seven schools. These norms are also compared to national norms found in the manual accompanying the AAHPER Youth Fitness Test. The results of this study give an indication of the overall fitness level of fourteen-, fifteen-, and sixteenyear-old Navajo girls. Of the seven test items, the Navajo norms were below the national norm on five items and above on the softball throw and 600 yard run-walk

No description available.

Thesis (Th. M.)--Grace Theological Seminary, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-120).

This textual record of the making of the social issue documentary film A Native American Dream examines theoretical and practical considerations of the filmmaker during the pre-production, production, and post-production stages. It also examines the disciplines of anthropology and ethnography in terms of modern documentary filmmaking and evaluates the film within these contexts.

The purpose of this study was to determine the cultural and religious behavior of the Navaho Indians which caused animosity, resistance, or indifference to the religious teachings of the Latter-day Saints.Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, for many years, have been in frequent contact with the Navaho Indians. Thousands of Navaho youth have been enrolled in the Indian seminary program of the Church. Hundreds of other students have been involved in the Indian student placement program and the Brigham Young University Indian education program. Furthermore, the Church has contacted much of the population of the Navaho tribe through its vast missionary program. In spite of these vigorous attempts to convert the Navahos to the Mormon faith, areas of conflict have continued to exist.

This dissertation examines emerging cultural attitudes, language ideologies, and discursive practices among Navajos and Navajo speakers through the lens of new media technologies on the Navajo Nation. New media such as cell phones and the Internet are significant features of contemporary Navajo communities, and act as both a context for and medium of linguistic and cultural vitality and transformation. They have opened new spaces for Navajo language use, generated emergent uses of the Navajo language, and increased the spaces of language contact and change. This dissertation explores the ways in which ideologies of language and technology have shifted and converged, and describes multiple instances of the transformative nature of technology through the mediation of communities. New technologies do not exist in a vacuum, and novel practices emerge from a wide range of existing observable styles, registers, and norms in Navajo communities. Significant are the shifting geographies of communication, expansion of social networks, and increased circulation of bilingual Navajo hane’, or publicly shared “tellings” in the form of stories, jokes, and information that accompany them. This work analyzes the appearance of new media technologies in contemporary Navajo society within broader discourses of modernity and narratives of progress about, and among, Navajo communities. New technology is not incommensurate with existing practice; rather, emergent practices are part of the broader circulation of Navajo identities, defined here as a process linked to social activities, and emergent practices index the ways in which some Navajos are “doing” community in unexpected ways and unexpected places. New expressive forms and genres have appeared, including a migration to English emails by previously monolingual, illiterate elders, the transition of traditionally oral genres to widely circulated emails, and the appearance of locally created bilingual hip-hop music. These are crucial developments that have immediate implications for Navajo language vitality and cultural continuity. / text

The problem is to analyze the opinions of the Navajo community leadership towards a religion sponsored program, as related to their exposure to information about the program and to othether social variables. Specifically, this study is concerned with two main questions: 1. Is the reaction among Navajo community leaders towards the LDS Indian Placement Program related to the amount of information they have available about that program? 2. Is the attitudes of Navajo community leaders concerning the Placement Program related to their social economic status of age, religious affiliation, and other such variables?

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Universität Hamburg, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 198-212).

Through their contacts with the Utes and other local tribes the Mormon people became aware of the presence of the Hopis, Navahos and Zunis soon after their arrival in the Great Salt Lake Valley in 1847. Their first actual contact with the Navahos occurred in connection with their Elk Mountain Indian Mission near what is now Moab, Utah, in 1855. During that same year another Indian mission was established in the Cedar City area called the Southern Indian Mission. As president of this mission in 1858, Jacob Hamblin led the first exploring-missionary party to the Hopi villages. Succeeding visits to the Hopis to do missionary work continued almost annually thereafter and some friendships were also formed with the Navahos. Most early connections with the Navahos, however, were of a protective nature and a precarious peace was kept with this tribe largely through the efforts of Hamblin.In 1875-76 the first permanent Mormon settlements were established in Arizona and several years later in New Mexico. The early settlers continued the attempt to convert the natives. Missionary work among the Hopis continued, many Navahos were brought into the Church, and in New Mexico the Gospel was carried to the Zunis. An important Navaho mission, mostly protective in nature, was set up in the San Juan Basin in southeastern Utah in 1880.After an intensive decade of proselyting and conversions all organized missionary efforts among these tribes were abandoned. Many possible reasons are presented for this abandonment which include cultural differences, language problems, economic hardships among the Mormons and internal problems within the Church. Some individual missionary efforts occurred during this period and Mormon-Indian friendships were fostered and maintained.In 1936 organized missionary work was again undertaken. Most notable was the efforts of the Snowflake Stake with the Hopis and Navahos. The St. Johns and Young Stakes also did some work with the Navahos during this period. In 1943 the Navaho-Zuni was organized, principally from the Young Stake Indian Mission. Ralph W. Evans was President of this new mission and a year later he was given the responsibility of the Indian missionary work of the Snowflake Stake Mission. The Navaho-Zuni Mission grew slowly during its first four years, partly due to the wartime situation and also because the Church was not wholly convinced that the Indians were ready for the Gospel. By 1947 most of these problems had been set aside and Indian Missionary work with the Hopis, Navahos and Zunis moved into a new era of proselyting and conversions, one that is still going forward.