Why do interstate barriers persist and proliferate in the US and go unnoticed by neoliberal policy-makers, while in other places, like the EU, they get systematically addressed? I challenge the common assumption that the EU is trying but failing to emulate the single market created in the US a long time ago. I show that in many ways, the EU has adopted more liberal rules for the exchange of goods and services across its members states than the US has in effect across its state borders. Focused on the US, I assemble a wide-ranging set of evidence for this assertion ranging from federal policies pursued by conservative administrations since the 1980s and conservative think tank scholarship to an in-depth study of mobility and market barriers in the construction industry. To explain this, I develop two arguments. Firstly, I argue that American and European free-marketeers fundamentally conceptualize markets differently, with American conservatives seeing them as the natural product of government-non-intervention, and European officials seeing them has a deliberate creation of central authority. This leads to different market building strategies with differential effectiveness. At the same time, I argue that the fragmentation and decentralization of the party and interest representation system in the US incentivizes state by state and sector by sector thinking and dis-incentivizes political action—leaving the bigger picture, i.e. interstate barriers, unchanged. Especially interest groups struggle to articulate preferences for inter-state or cross-sectoral cooperation due to organizational incentives. Applying a Bayesian process-tracing logic to mostly within-case and some cross-case evidence, I test conventional structural and institutional theories against my account. Tracing the lack of mobilization of conservative policy-makers and agenda-setters around federal market authority since the 1980s, and interviews with firms, regulators, and legislators about interstate barriers in the construction industry, clearly demonstrate how their imagination of markets prevents a single market building agenda top-down while institutional structures prevent it bottom-up. This is a novel argument, speaking to broader debates about the socially-constructed nature of markets. Studying the US shows that interstate barriers and local protectionism flourish when no central authority deliberately creates ‘free markets’.

Esta Tese tem como tema de pesquisa as relações entre crianças e adultos na Contemporaneidade. Caracteriza-se como uma pesquisa do presente que empreende um olhar genealógico para compreender práticas atuais entre os sujeitos infantis e os sujeitos adultos. Este estudo inscreve-se numa perspectiva pós-estruturalista de pensar a Educação e seus contornos, a partir do aporte teórico dos Estudos Foucaultianos, especialmente com as noções de genealogia e governamentalidade. A considerar que, na Contemporaneidade, há deslocamentos nas formas de viver o exercício do governamento infantil, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender as condições de possibilidade que estabeleceram o exercício das práticas, entre crianças e adultos, nos mais distintos espaços, bem como problematizar o sentido que essas práticas assumem no contemporâneo. Para tanto, foram analisados os seguintes documentos, Programas e Leis: Declaração dos Direitos da Criança (1959), Constituição Federal (1988), Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), Programa Primeira Infância Melhor (2006) e Lei Menino Bernardo (2014). Tal análise possibilita compreender que, na Contemporaneidade, está sendo produzida uma infância de direito e uma infância protagonista. Essas formas de compreender a infância foram consideradas como algumas das condições de possibilidade para as práticas atuais entre sujeitos infantis e adultos. Com o olhar de pesquisador cartógrafo, foram selecionadas e analisadas situações do cotidiano que evidenciaram deslocamentos do exercício de governamento entre crianças e adultos, movimento que foi nomeado nesta Tese como infantocracia. / This thesis has - as a research theme - the relationships between children and adults in the Contemporaneity. It is characterized as a current research, which adopts a genealogical point of view to understand current practices between infant and adult subjects. This study follows a post - structuralist perspective of thinking about Education and its outlines, based on the theoretical contribution of Foucault Studies, especially through the notions of genealogy and governmentality. Considering there is a movement in the ways of practicing children's governance, in contemporaneity, this research aims at understanding the conditions of possibility that established these practices, between children and adults, in the most distinct spaces, as well as questioning the meaning that these practices assume in the contemporary. Therefore, the following documents, Programs and Laws were analyzed: Declaração dos Direitos da Criança (1959), Constituição Federal (1988), Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), Programa Primeira Infância Melhor (2006) e Lei Menino Bernardo (2014). This analysis made it possible to understand that, in the Contemporaneity, a rights childhood and a leading childhood were produced. These forms of understanding childhood were considered as being some of the conditions of possibility for the current practices among children and adults. Through the view of researcher cartographer, we selected and analyzed everyday situations that evidenced this movement of the exercise of governance between children and adults, a movement that was named in this thesis as infantocracy. Based on the analyzes, it was possible to affirm that the principle of full protection - noticed in the different studied documents - can be considered a strategy to gather the child population, and that the constitution of these subjects (as protagonists and subjects of rights) is presented as a condition of possibility for the emergence of infantocratic practices. Such practices, taken as central in this study, trigger the formation of flexible, healthy, self-entrepreneurs, and proactive subjects: necessary characteristics for the subjects of neoliberal governmentality. It is also possible to affirm that infantocratic practices constitute a change in the ways of understanding and of living the relationships among children and adults in Contemporaneity, and that they are only achievable thought the grid of intelligibility of the neoliberal governmentality. Therefore, this thesis supported the following statement: from the conditions that established the child as a protagonist and subject of rights - established in the neoliberal political rationality of our time - there are changes in the ways of understanding and of living the practice of governance practices among adults and children, named here as infantocratic practices.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-04-25T13:47:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação deThiago Chagas S. Santos.pdf: 948573 bytes, checksum: 73baa35a70be07e042e56765bd258827 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2014-05-06T13:58:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação deThiago Chagas S. Santos.pdf: 948573 bytes, checksum: 73baa35a70be07e042e56765bd258827 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-06T13:58:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação deThiago Chagas S. Santos.pdf: 948573 bytes, checksum: 73baa35a70be07e042e56765bd258827 (MD5) / O estudo busca elucidar as ações das organizações da classe trabalhadora no contexto da reforma do Estado. O período recente, de difusão das reformas neoliberais no Brasil, afetou significativamente a correlação de forças entre trabalhadores e empresários. A busca pelas determinações das ações da CUT nesse contexto foi o caminho para análise das recentes alterações no Estado brasileiro e nas posições da classe trabalhadora. Após a eleição do governo petista, em 2002, modificam-se os padrões de relacionamento entre o Estado e as representações dos trabalhadores. A gestação de uma nova hegemonia se dá sob novas bases. A aproximação da cúpula da CUT aos órgãos estatais e os novos direcionamentos dados às estratégias de luta, em flagrante contraste com posições históricas, pautaram as ações no período recente. Procuramos, nesse sentido, lançar novos questionamentos ao problema da adesão/cooptação dos trabalhadores pelas classes dominantes.This study tries to elucidate the working class actions under the state reform context. The recent period, marked by the diffusion of neoliberal reforms in Brazil, significantly impacted the correlations of forces between employees and employers. The comprehension of the choices that had influenced CUT'sactions built our path to analyze the recent modifications in the Brazilian State and the positions of the working class. Since 2002, after the election of PT, the pattern of relationship between state and workers' organizations has changed. A new hegemony has been developed under new bases. The CUT's leaders progressive approximation with the state's departments and the new strategic directions taken, in opposition to historical working class' behavior, has marked recent actions. In this way, we tried to bring up new questions about adhesion/co-optation of the employees by the dominant classes.

A retomada do processo de acumulação de capital no pós-crise dos anos 1970 demandou profundas alterações no capitalismo mundial, que se traduziram, fundamentalmente, em uma nova estratégia (autointitulada) de desenvolvimento que disputasse a hegemonia teórica, ideológica, política e econômica com o keynesianismo. Esta nova estratégia, denominada neoliberal (e o receituário de políticas dela resultante) foi amplamente difundida nos países da periferia do capitalismo mundial. O neoliberalismo, por um lado, mostrou-se incapaz de retomar o crescimento/desenvolvimento econômico com distribuição de renda e, por outro lado, aprofundou a dependência dos países periféricos em relação aos centros do capitalismo mundial, pela via da intensificação da superexploração da força de trabalho. Nesse contexto, ao final do século XX, se estabeleceu uma crise do neoliberalismo (ainda que não se trate de uma derrota) que, em grandes linhas, colocou em xeque tais políticas e teve, como consequência, a subida ao poder de vários governos na região latino-americana que foram eleitos a partir do descontentamento social com seus resultados. Na Venezuela, mais especificamente, o projeto de transformações proposto para o país no pós-1999 é manifestação de rechaço ao neoliberalismo. Como o cenário histórico para compreensão dos conflitos, que resultaram na constituição de um projeto de sociedade anti-hegemônico na Venezuela (a hegemonia do povo) nos últimos anos, remonta ao marco da inserção do país no capitalismo dependente e periférico, é possível afirmar que as transformações pós-1999 transitaram da constituição de um projeto antineoliberal para uma proposta anticapitalista (o chamado Socialismo do Século XXI). Esse projeto de transformações não está, entretanto, isento de contradições e limites (internos e externos). Em que pese essa afirmação, o capítulo mais recente da trajetória histórica de constituição da sociedade venezuelana possui inequívocos avanços, capitaneados pelo papel central que assume o Estado. Este, ao retomar o efetivo controle sobre os recursos petroleiros em benefício da maioria da população, promove progressos em direção a consolidação da soberania nacional, da justiça social e também da constituição de uma democracia participativa e protagônica. / The resumption of capital accumulation in the post-crisis years of the 1970s demanded profound changes in world capitalism and essentially led to a new development strategy (as it called itself) that disputed theoretical, ideological, political and economic hegemony with keynesianism. This new neoliberal strategy (and the resulting policy prescriptions) was widely diffused in the periphery of world capitalism. However, neoliberalism proved, on the one hand, to be incapable of rekindling economic growth/ development combined with income distribution, and, on the other hand, it deepened the dependence of peripheral countries on the centers of world capitalism through the intensification of the overexploitation of labor. In that context, the end of the twentieth century established a crisis of neoliberalism (but not its defeat) that brought such policies into question and one of its consequences was the rise to power of various governments in Latin America that were elected on the wave of social discontent with its results. In Venezuela, more specifically, the design of the changes proposed for the country in the post 1999 period was a manifestation of the rejection of neoliberalism. As the historical background for understanding the conflicts that resulted in the formation of an anti-hegemonic society project in Venezuela (the hegemony of the people) in recent years dates back to the mark of the countrys insertion in peripheral and dependent capitalism, it is possible to state that the post-1999 changes have made the transition from an anti-neoliberal project to an anti-capitalist proposal (the so-called 21st Century Socialism). However, this project is not exempt from contradictions and limits (internal and external). In that regard, the latest chapter in the historical constitution of Venezuelan society shows clear advances, led by the central role that the State assumes. By regaining effective control over oil resources to benefit the majority of the population, it promotes progress toward the consolidation of national sovereignty, social justice and also the establishment of a participatory and protagonist democracy.

This thesis is concerned with the demands that humans are placing on the planet. Such demands are interrogated in long-running debates about how to reconcile the tensions between development, as an immanent process of capitalist expansion (see Cowen & Shelton 1996), and the environment, taken broadly in reference to finite natural resources, landscapes and wildlife. As environmental issues become increasingly prominent in local struggles, national debates, and international policies and programmes, we need to be paying more attention to how they are produced and shaped by politics and power relations, as well as to the differences between how groups relate to their biophysical environments. In this thesis, I do this by investigating the political ecology of post-neoliberalism in Bolivia. The country has been heralded as one of the most radical political projects in Latin America and a reformed state is being implemented in the name of radical politics and revolution, appropriating discourses of indigeneity and social movements. Here, the state has blamed the global environmental crisis on the continuing dominance of capitalism and neoliberalism. This has been publically rejected by the state, whilst new ‘post-neoliberal’ forms of development and harmonious relationships between people and nature have been promoted. However, Bolivia’s post-neoliberal state project has become increasingly dependent on hydrocarbon extraction becoming the most natural resource-dependent country in the region. This has created new sites of contestation and conflict between citizens and the state, as well as complicating what the Bolivian case contributes to wider debates about development and the environment. In this project I research an ongoing conflict over the Isiboro Secure Indigenous Territory and National Park (TIPNIS) concentrating on the key themes of development, environment and indigeneity. This political ecology of post-neoliberalism contributes both to our understanding of this emerging political project and to broader debates about human/nature relationships - by questioning the dynamics of fringe politics. This means questioning how the terms and content of ‘alternatives’ and ‘radical’ politics are set and how this in turn shapes the possibilities for transformative paths towards more sustainable human/nature relationships.

Conscious consumption blogs are at the center of a particular online community where eco-friendly products are popularized. Through the lens of these blogs, this paper analyzes discourse around identity, purchasing, sustainability, lifestyle, community, and activism, to investigate the forces at work in the conscious consumption movement and identify where there is a need for a shift towards a more political environmentalism. As an environmentalist strategy, conscious consumption disproportionately centers the consumer angle, constructing personal possessions as symbols of sustainability. Language analysis reveals strong individualistic messages about personal belief, preference, and benefit which overwhelm any sense of communal good. Instead, motivation is tied to personal morals (holding oneself accountable for the environmental impact of consumption). In place of organized action, the goal of conscious consumption is self-fulfillment as a result of progressing on one’s personal journey. This is encouraged through self-education, voluntary awareness campaigns and leading by example. Overall, conscious consumption blogs’ strong emphasis on self improvement contributes to individualization of responsibility, discouraging followers from collectively imagining new political possibilities outside of individual households.

abstract: In this dissertation I use Henri Lefebvre's concept of the production of social space to study how political theatre companies and artists in the city of San Juan, Puerto Rico, appropriate and resignify, through performance, their current social space as a strategy to contest Puerto Rico's neoliberal state policies. As Lefebvre suggests, modern industrial cities like San Juan maintain hegemonic power relations through spatial practices, processes through which users and inhabitants of the city conceive, perceive and live space. Lefebvre further suggests that for social justice to be possible, space must be resignified in ways that expose otherwise invisibilized struggles for social belonging and differentiation. I argue that theatrical performance, by staging various social conflicts and contradictions between the dominating space and the appropriating space, can produce new "performance cartographies" through which its audiences – in large part disenfranchised from the neoliberal processes so celebrated elsewhere on the island – may find ways to resignify space or envision new spaces for social justice on their own behalf. Specifically, I examine five theatre groups and artists from oppressed sectors in San Juan, whose work is to various degrees in opposition to neoliberalism, to reveal how both their artistic and quotidian performances might be resignifying space toward these ends. How does the work of Agua, Sol y Sereno, Y no había luz, Teatro Breve, Deborah Hunt and Tito Kayak strategically claim or appropriate space? What kind of knowledges emerge from these spatial tactics, and how are they helping envision new forms of living and social justice in the city? / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Theatre 2015

Submitted by Cleyton da Silva Oliveira null (cleytonslive@gmail.com) on 2018-03-16T01:40:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação.pdf: 620583 bytes, checksum: 7d22949575fcbf694bd8e64136d0b950 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-03-19T12:08:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 repositoriocleyton19março.pdf: 620583 bytes, checksum: 7d22949575fcbf694bd8e64136d0b950 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-19T12:08:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 repositoriocleyton19março.pdf: 620583 bytes, checksum: 7d22949575fcbf694bd8e64136d0b950 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A reorganização do capital implicou em uma série de mudanças na própria relação com o trabalho. Um dos elementos centrais dessas mudanças são as novas formas de mobilização das capacidades cognitivas e afetivas da força de trabalho instauradas pelo toyotismo, gerando novas formas de sofrimento. Em seus estudos sobre essas novas formas de sofrimento, Christophe Dejours elabora um diagnóstico complexo, que tem como uma de suas categorias centrais a ideia do zelo. Identificou-se que o zelo se liga, por um lado, ao medo, que permite incorporá-lo de modo mais eficaz ao processo de produção e, por outro, ao reconhecimento, que permite a quem se dedica ao trabalho que se reconcilie com o sofrimento. Nesse sentido, a proposta desta pesquisa é a de compreender a elaboração do conceito de zelo na obra de Christophe Dejours, avaliando as possibilidades e os limites deste conceito. Entendemos que esse sofrimento é explorado pelos novos mecanismos de gestão neoliberal como instrumento de mobilização do zelo, conduzindo quem se dedica ao trabalho a consentir com as exigências crescentes em termos de produtividade e desempenho, bem como sua participação em tarefas reprováveis em termos morais. / The reorganization of capital implied a series of changes in the relationship with labor itself. One of the central elements of these changes is the new forms of mobilization of the cognitive and affective capacities of the work force established by toyotism, generating new forms of suffering. In his studies about these new forms of suffering, Christophe Dejours elaborates a complex diagnosis, which has as one of its central categories the idea of zeal. It has been identified that zeal is linked, on the one hand, to fear, which allows it to be incorporated more effectively into the production process and, on the other hand, to recognition, which allows those who work to reconcile with the suffering. Therein, the proposal of this research is to understand the elaboration of the concept of zeal in the work of Christophe Dejours, evaluating the possibilities and the limits of this concept. We understand that this suffering is exploited by the new mechanisms of neoliberal management as an instrument of mobilization of zeal, leading those engaged in the work to consent to the increasing demands in terms of productivity and performance, as well as their participation in objectionable tasks in moral terms.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:19:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FrancoisOF.pdf: 408798 bytes, checksum: d67afa5ee2a6ca1df7a7184cc564ec36 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-13 / The neoliberalism proclaims the crisis of the State in front of globalization , but, approaching two books taken as basic on this theoretical chain - The road to serfdom, of Friedrich Hayek, and Capitalism and Freedom, of Milton Friedman - to analyze this supposed dualism, the conclusion into which we arrive is another one. Remembering liberal tradition and quickly, later, analyzing critically the workmanships, can be perceived that others are the conflicts really gifts in the current capitalist reality - market versus State et capitalism versus democracy - and, from the understanding on the reading made and the theoretical trajectory of its authors, we may see as the neoliberalism locates itself in relation to these conflicts, which polar regions of these antagonisms privileges, what represents the State for itself, and what it intends as much more global philosophy than economic/politics thinking only / O neoliberalismo apregoa a crise do Estado diante da globaliza??o , mas, abordando dois livros tidos como fundamentais dessa corrente te?rica O caminho da servid?o, de Friedrich Hayek, e Capitalismo e Liberdade, de Milton Friedman para analisar essa suposta dualidade, a conclus?o a que chegamos ? outra. Recuperada rapidamente a tradi??o liberal e, depois, analisadas criticamente essas obras, pode-se perceber que outros s?o os conflitos realmente presentes na realidade capitalista atual mercado versus Estado et capitalismo versus democracia e, a partir da compreens?o sobre a leitura efetuada e a trajet?ria te?rica de seus autores, v?-se como o neoliberalismo se posiciona em rela??o a esses conflitos, que p?los desses antagonismos privilegia, o que representa o Estado para si, e o que pretende ele como filosofia muito mais totalizante do que meramente econ?mica/pol?tica

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-06-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:38:37Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 barbosa_tr_me_assis.pdf: 288885 bytes, checksum: 9adc60dcedfc9c912ca55cc4dbd40c54 (MD5) / O estudo histórico sobre a infância e suas relações com a sociedade revela que as expectativas e as preocupações com as crianças, variam de acordo com as relações sociais, culturais e econômicas que se estabelecem nos diferentes movimentos da sociedade; ou seja, os significados atribuídos à infância fazem parte de um processo de construção social. Assim, o conceito de infância não é estável e, a cada época, corresponde ao discurso hegemônico. Na sociedade contemporânea predominam as relações de produção e de consumo, que permeiam as relações sociais. Com o desenvolvimento das chamadas infotelecomunicações, viabilizouse a globalização cultural. Há uma mudança na relação entre adultos e crianças que agora recebem uma influência significativa da mídia e da cultura de consumo. Para melhor compreender questões relacionadas à infância e à sua educação na sociedade contemporânea, é necessário atentar-se às mudanças dos meios de produção, das relações humanas, atravessadas pelos meios de comunicação e às repercussões na vida social e no cotidiano das pessoas. Nesse cenário surgem, para nós, algumas questões: Como se dão as relações humanas e sociais – especialmente entre adultos e crianças – em espaços escolares e como se refletem nas práticas educacionais? Com qual concepção de crianças os educadores estão trabalhando? E, principalmente, em um contexto mais amplo, que tem como centro a ideologia neoliberal: Em que situação os adultos/educadores estariam, enquanto sujeitos que podem sustentar/alterar o paradigma? Assim, o presente trabalho visa investigar como as relações presentes no mundo contemporâneo capitalista, repercutem nas práticas educacionais... / The historic research about infancy and its relation with the society reveals that the expectancies and concerns about children vary due to the social, cultural and economic relations that are set in different movements of the society. In other words, the meanings attributed to childhood are part of a social building process. That said, the concept of infancy is not stable and in each time correspond to the hegemonic discourse. In contemporary society predominates relations of production and consumption which permeate social relations. With the development of the so-called infotelecommunications a cultural globalization was set. There has been a change between adults and children relationship that now receives a significant influence of the media and the culture of consumption. For better understanding of some appoints related to infancy and its education in contemporary society is necessary to take notice of changes in means of production, human relations that are crossed by means of communication and repercussion in social life and people’s routines. In that scenary appears to us some questions: How human and social relations are established in school environments – specially between adults and children – and how are them reflected on the educational practices? Which conception of children are the educators working with? And mainly, in a wider context that has neoliberal ideology in its centre in which situation would adults/educators be as subjects that can sustain/change the paradigm? For this reason the present research aims to investigate how the existing relations... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)