Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / Rexford Guy Tugwell, Professor of Economics at Columbia, joined the Roosevelt circle in March, 1932. He was an Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, 1933-34. He helped to write the National Industrial Recovery Act and the Agricultural Adjustment Act. He was an idea man; a publicist ; and an errand boy, bringing academicians, or their ideas, to Roosevelt. He was a member of several inderdepartamental boards. Overestimations of Tugwell's influence rested on the assumption that his intellectual impact on Roosevelt was decisive. Roosevelt used or disregarded Tugwell's ideas as he saw fit. Some policies were in accord with Tugwell's thinking; it is impossible to measure the professor's impact on such matters. Roosevelt took no action on some of Tugwell's ideas, especially those involved in the institutional economist's concept of "conjecture." In one exceptional case, the field of fiscal policy, money, and banking, initial rejection of Tugwell's ideas was followed, to some extent, by thier implementation -- in the "Second" New Deal. Tugwell's impact in this instance was indirect -- he was largely responsible for Marriner S. Eccles' coming to Washington. [TRUNCATED]

Referred to as a graveyard for foreign aid and simultaneously a great example for progress in terms of implementing the New Deal for Engagements in Fragile States, Somalia is recovering from a protracted war, multi-dimensional fragility and deep mistrust. This research analyses how international actors contribute to peace, state and trust building in the Somali region by implementing the New Deal TRUST principles on a national level and by engaging in the peacebuilding process in Galkacyo, Central Somalia on a local level. Through a qualitative approach and case study design, the research relies on data collected through qualitative content analyses of reports, official documents and evaluations as well as data collected through key informant interviews. Informants involve persons working for the European Union, the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme in New York and Somalia, the Civil Society Platform for Peacebuilding and Statebuilding, Interpeace Eastern and Central Africa Regional Office and the New York University with connection to the New Deal and or peace and statebuilding engagements in the Somali region. The findings, generated from the collected data, are analysed through a theoretical framework based on Wallensten’s (2015) theory on ‘Quality Peace’, Eriksen’s (2017) theory on Statebuilding and Barbalet’s (2009) and Eccles (2015) theory on trust building. The research finds that the implementation of the TRUST principles is scattered in terms of progress. ‘Use and strengthen country systems’ and ‘Strengthening capacities’ are the two principles delivering most progress according to the majority of the informants, whereas ‘Risk sharing’ and ‘Timely and predictable aid’ perform worse. The implementation of the first principle, ‘Transparency’, mainly referring to the sharing of documents, inclusive decision-making and reporting of aid to the Somali Aid Coordination Unit at the Prime Minister’s Office, has made moderate progress. At a local level, Interpeace engages in the Galkacyo peacebuilding process by providing strategic, financial and technical support to local structures, e.g. a joint Peace Committee and joint security force. The research identifies a tendency that the implementation of the New Deal TRUST principles has had limited impact on a local level. The development of the emerging FMSs has added an extra dynamic to the conflict in Galkacyo, a city divided by the two administrative regions Galmudug and Puntland. Furthermore, whether donor behaviour has changed in fragile states as an effect of the New Deal is debated. The engagements on a local level in Galkacyo tend to contribute to peace and trust building among clashing communities, however, limited impact can be identified on the statebuilding process and on peace and trust building vis-à-vis the Federal and State Governments.

The relationship between government and business during the New Deal can best be understood as one based on mutual dependence rather than endemic hostility. This is demonstrated with reference to the Northwest lumber industry and its response to New Deal labor standards and labor union legislation. The Northwest lumber industry during the 1920s and 1930s was beset by the problems of overproduction and cut throat competition which plagued much of American industry during the Great Depression. Industry leaders strove for ways in which to regulate a fiercely competitive marketplace. Attempts to foist higher production standards on marginal competitors through the promotion of voluntary trade associations failed because of the absence of enforcement mechanisms within the associational structure. The National Recovery Administration (NRA) similarly failed to provide a disciplined framework for competition in the region because the federal government failed to fulfill its role as an enforcement agent, although the experience of the NRA did suggest to the industry the potential benefits of stabilizing the marketplace through the regulation of labor costs, which were such a significant and vulnerable item in the business calculations of lumber operations. The problem of enforcement, however, remained. Labor unions had a record under the NRA and in the coal and clothing industries as an effective regulator of labor standards, but the memory of radical unionism in the early lumber industry combined with a concern for managerial prerogatives to forestall any voluntary support on the part of Northwest lumber leaders for unionisation in the region. The elevation of unions under the National Labor Relations Act, however, prompted versatile lumber executives to use the empowered unions for their own regulatory purposes. Never entirely comfortable with the potential costs of strong unions, the Northwest lumber industry turned to the federal regulation offered under the Fair Labor Standards Act as an additional, effective and less risky method of securing much needed stability in the industry. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Poland is known for its hesitant attitude towards the Green New Deal. Such approach is often expressed in the political discourse of the governing party, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Despite approval of the European Green Deal, Polish action plans for energy transition are not ambitious. A significant part of Polish society, characterized by low environmental awareness, opposes decarbonization. This paper examines factors limiting and enabling a Green New Deal in Poland as seen through the perspective of Polish media discourse. Content analysis was applied to identify the frequency of aspects mentioned in national newspapers supporting or hindering the agenda of a Polish Green New Deal. The study is focused on media coverage of the ecological crisis, the European Union effect, neo-pluralist mobilization, or green conversion prospects, as factors potentially enabling a Green New Deal in Poland. It concentrates on media coverage related to the Soviet legacy, dependency on dirty energy, and the domestic power of energy firms and corporatist links between the ruling party and state- owned companies, and Euroscepticism, as prospective factors disenabling a Green New Deal in Poland. The findings raise a question if the promotion of universal environmental and energy standards is possible given countries’ differences in economic profile and level of development.

During the New Deal, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) put young men to work in state and national parks across the United States. One of such parks, Big Bend National Park, is the focus of this study. The CCC had two camps within the park, one from 1934 to 1937 and another from 1940 to 1942. During their time in Big Bend, the CCC constructed many projects including a road, trails, cabins, and other various structures. The purpose of this study is to delineate the role of the CCC in creating Big Bend National Park and the experience of the CCC during their time in the Big Bend camp. This study determines the role of the CCC through a discussion of the planning done by the CCC for Big Bend National Park and the work completed by the CCC in the park. In doing so, it argues that the CCC played a substantial and significant role in the development and character of the park. This study works to understand the experience of the CCC in Big Bend through a discussion of education, safety, and an investigation of a commanding officer. Through this discussion, the role of the federal government and national organization in the local camps can be seen, as can the value they placed in the enrollees.

No description available.

No description available.

'They Saw Themselves as Workers' explores the development of black membership in the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) in the wake of the "Uprising of the 30,000" garment strike of 1933-34, as well as the establishment of independent black labor or labor-related organizations during the mid-late 1930s. The locus for the growth of black ILGWU membership was Harlem, where there were branches of Local 22, one of the largest and the most diverse ILGWU local. Harlem was also where the Negro Labor Committee (NLC) was established by Frank Crosswaith, a leading black socialist and ILGWU organizer. I provide some background, but concentrate on the aftermath of the marked increase in black membership in the ILGWU during the 1933-34 garment uprising and end in 1940, when blacks confirmed their support of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and when the labor-oriented National Negro Congress (NNC) was irrevocably split by struggles over communist influence. By that time, the NLC was also struggling, due to both a lack of support from trade unions and friendly organizations, as well as the fact that the Committee was constrained by the political views and personal grudges of its founder. Yet, during the period examined in "They Saw Themselves as Workers," the ILGWU and its Local 22 thrived. Using primary sources including the records of the ILGWU and various locals, the NLC, and the NNC, I argue that educational programming was largely responsible for the ILGWU's success during the 1930s, not political ideology, as others have argued. In fact, I assert that political ideology was often detrimental to organizations like the NLC and NNC, alienating many blacks during a period when they increasingly shifted their allegiance to the Democratic Party. Conversely, through educational programming that brought unionists of various racial and ethnic backgrounds together and celebrated their differences, the ILGWU assimilated new African American members and strengthened interracial working-class solidarity. That programming included such ostensibly apolitical activities as classes, dances, musical and theatrical performances, sporting events, and trips to resorts and places of cultural interest. Yet, by attracting workers who wanted to expand their minds and enjoy their lives outside of work to combat the misery of the Depression, the ILGWU cemented their devotion to the union and its agenda. Thus, through activities that were not overtly political, the ILGWU drew workers into the labor movement, and ultimately into the New Deal coalition in support of President Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. As the union flourished, part of an increasingly influential labor movement, it offered African American workers a better path to political power than the Negro Labor Committee or the National Negro Congress during the mid-late 1930s. / History

This dissertation re-examines the history of the American Liberty League, building upon observations in recent works by Kimberly Phillips-Fein and David Farber that trace the origins of the modern American conservative political movement back to the reaction against the New Deal programs implemented by Franklin Roosevelt. The Liberty League, it is argued here, established a tradition of what I describe as Constitutional conservatism. The Liberty League, established in 1934 with the expressed purpose of "upholding the Constitution," represented the most forceful and coherent contemporary resistance against a trend toward centralization of power in the federal government and the executive branch that took shape during the Progressive Era and was cemented by the New Deal. Historians writing about conservatism in the the U.S. have most often highlighted other explanations for the motivations underpinning the movement, most notably the "racial backlash" thesis, but a theme of Constitutional conservatism can be traced through many of the conservative political organizations that have emerged in the United States since the demise of the Liberty League in 1936. The first chapter discusses the origins of the Liberty League, which to a considerable extent evolved out of the Association Against the Prohibition Movement. In addition to their shared focus on Constitutional issues, the two organizations utilized the same tactics and showed considerable overlap in terms of membership, leadership and financial backing. Leaders of the organization, discussed in a separate chapter, included Jouett Shouse, William Stayton, Al Smith, Raoul Desvernine, along with a number of wealthy industrialists that provided financial backing, including Pierre du Pont, his brother Irénée du Pont, John Raskob and E. F. Hutton. Further chapters examine the activities of the local and state branches of the Liberty League, the League's attempts to coordinate efforts with other organizations professing a desire for upholding the Constitution and analysis of the publications produced and distributed by the Liberty League. While the organization was funded largely by a small group of wealthy individuals with a vested interest in protecting their vast fortunes, the Liberty League devoted itself in practice to arguing in favor of the more strict interpretation of the Constitution that had largely prevailed in the United States before the New Deal era. Of course, the League failed utterly to convince the electorate, as evidenced by the overwhelming electoral triumph achieved by President Roosevelt in 1936, but it's relentless attempts to highlight the perceived excesses of the New Deal helped fill the void left by the virtual absence of any meaningful Republican opposition, perhaps helping to place some limits on the extent of the New Deal and laying the ground work for future generations of conservatives that continue to draw on the theme of Constitutional conservatism in their efforts to turn back some of the advances made by proponents of a more activist federal government during the Twentieth Century. / History

Cette étude porte sur les expositions photographiques produites par le gouvernement américain entre 1935 et 1942. Ces expositions avaient pour but de promouvoir les activités entreprises par l’administration Roosevelt dans le cadre de son programme de relance économique. L’étude est constituée de trois grandes parties : la première présente les enjeux politiques et sociaux du New Deal et éclaire les défis auxquels les propagandistes du gouvernement Roosevelt ont été confrontés. Elle montre alors l’intérêt et la fonction que la photographie et l’exposition ont eu dans le programme de propagande. La seconde présente le rôle joué par les expositions universelles dans le développement des techniques scénographiques employées par l’administration. La dernière porte sur les expositions artistiques du gouvernement et sur leur valeur propagandiste. / This study focuses on photographic exhibitions produced by the US government between 1935 and 1942. These exhibitions aimed to publicize the Roosevelt administration’s economic stimulus program. The study is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the political and social issues of the New Deal while shedding light on the challenges faced by the propagandists in the Roosevelt administration, as well as the appeal and function of photography and exhibitions in its propaganda program. The second part considers the role played by world fairsin the development of design techniques employed by the administration. The final section addresses the government’s artistic exhibitions and their value as propaganda.