The aim of this thesis is to investigate how digital activism is conducted on Twitter, particularly in relation to the dialogues and demands for Europe’s green economic recovery plan from COVID-19. It seeks to analyse the communication made using #GreenRecovery on Twitter by various actors over the period of May to June 2020, guided by the theory of public sphere and social movement and literature on digital activism, hashtag activism, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA) using a qualitative and quantitative content analysis.By analysing the frequency patterns of tweets and by uncovering the different types of communication, this paper sheds light on the users involved as well as the issue frames and mobilisation strategies that were visible in the #GreenRecovery discourse . Results of this study demonstrate that #GreenRecovery is used by varying actors on Twitter such as individuals, social movements, businesses and others. Furthermore, the hashtag has been used to raise awareness, communicate particular information, mobilize action and also employ assertion as dominant digital spectator activity. Tweets with #GreenRecovery was primarily framed towards the need for a redesign of the economy, indicating demands for changes in policies by targeting accounts of political actors from the EU Commission. It is further implied that during the discourse, #GreenRecovery acted as a structural signifier as a response to the leaked proposal of the Recovery Plan demonstrating that it has the potential to create hashtag communities.

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There are surprisingly detailed similarities between Germany and the USA on their way towards the Second World War. In this paper, I have compared the nations' expansionist philosophies, their encounter with racism, and the internal conflicts between authoritarian leadership and democracy. I began with an overview of Manifest Destiny and the German myth of the East. Next, I summed up the deep changes that the First World War caused for both societies and how they went into the Great Depression. I examined the rise of scientific racism as part of the international eugenics movement and the emergence of populist leaders during the economic crisis. It became clear that neither expansionism nor racism were genuine German ideologies. In fact, the American Manifest Destiny served as a role-model for German plans in the East. Even the racist concepts of the Third Reich were strongly influenced by American scientists. The main difference seems to be the experience with the First World War and the diversity of American protest during the crisis.

The organization of the Emergency Conservation Work was found to possess many faults. The Seventy-Fifth Congress, taking cognizance of some of the more glaring imperfections, approved a measure reorganizing and re-establishing the Emergency Conservation Work under the name of The Civilian Conservation Corp. The bill eliminated many of the defects of the former organization, and invested authority and defined duties and regulations in such a manner that a more efficient institution resulted.

The research examines New Labour’s Third Way policies and the impact New Deal for Communities (NDC) regeneration programme had on participation in health care. This longitudinal study (1998-2007) explores participatory joint working, welfare state, social capacity, health inequalities, citizen involvement and community capacity. It captures the experiences of local community and front-line workers whilst delivering the Health Focus Group (HFG) in the NDC programme. Using action learning reflection techniques, the study analyses a purposeful sample of 15 from the local community, front-line workers, and strategic respondents involved in the NDC health programme. The research demonstrated the NDC did increase participation, joint working and involvement of local actors 1998–2003. The importance of communication, leadership and relationships was recognised as an important catalyst for developing community governance models. The new action learning spaces initiated, designed and delivered 19 new models of joint local clinical, community and complementary health and well-being projects. In 2001, New Labour introduced public private finance initiatives with the Primary Care Trust (PCT) which conflicted with the local actors’ involvement in the participatory joint decision-making. The reconfiguration of health and social care services and the new public health models introduced complex governance and monitoring models, further distancing the local actors from the process. Strategic staff changes in key governance positions also adversely affected the communication and trust established with local actors. The research concluded operational, tactical, and strategic alignment is necessary to maximise joint participation in decision-making.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2012-2013. / Ce mémoire se propose d'étudier l'évolution de la rhétorique anticommuniste à la Chambre des représentants des États-Unis de 1933 à 1947. Il s'agit d'une période névralgique de l'histoire américaine, marquée notamment par l'élection du président démocrate Franklin D. Roosevelt et la mise en place de son New Deal, vaste programme de réformes socioéconomiques destiné à endiguer les effets de la crise économique, par la participation des États-Unis à la Seconde Guerre mondiale aux côtés de l'Union soviétique et par la détérioration subséquente des relations entre les deux alliés qui plongera le monde dans l'équilibre précaire de la Guerre froide. Grâce à l'étude du Congressional Record, qui est le journal des débats du Congrès des États-Unis, ce mémoire cherche à identifier qui sont les principaux anticommunistes à la Chambre des représentants au cours de cette période, à analyser le contenu de leur discours, à percevoir l'influence des événements sur l'évolution de celui-ci et à saisir le rôle joué par la politique partisane en lien avec la question du communisme.

Le présent ouvrage cherche à démontrer comment le néo-populisme, un mouvement radical très populaire au cours de la Grande Dépression, se manifesta au Congrès des États-Unis lors des débats sur le New Deal ayant eu lieu de 1933 à 1935. Celui-ci préconisait des solutions drastiques à la Crise, soit une inflation massive, la saisie des grosses fortunes suivie de leur redistribution, ainsi que l'élimination d'une influence attribuée à Wall Street et à l'Europe sur le gouvernement fédéral, dans le but de restaurer la prospérité et de sauvegarder les bases traditionnelles du rêve américain. À la suite d'une consultation attentive du Congressional Record, il semble probable que le discours néo-populiste des parlementaires, directement inspiré de l'argumentaire populiste datant de la fin du XIXème siècle, traduisait surtout les craintes latentes de la classe politique devant le programme interventionniste du New Deal qui modifiait durablement les relations entre les Américains et leur gouvernement. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Race and politics have played an important part in shaping the history of the United States, from the first arrival of African slaves in the early seventeenth century to the election of an African-American president in 2008. The Great Depression and the New Deal represent a period that was no exception to the influence of race and politics. After Franklin Roosevelt succeeded Herbert Hoover to the American presidency, there was much faith and hope expressed on the editorial pages of the Indianapolis Recorder that African Americans would be treated fairly under the New Deal. Hope began to wane when little political patronage was dispensed, in the form of government jobs, once the Democrats took office in 1933. As the first incarnation of the New Deal progressed, African Americans continued to experience prejudice, segregation, unfair wages, and generally a “raw deal.” But what was more, African-American women and men were not given a fair opportunity to ensure for themselves better political, social, and economic standing in the future. This struggle for full-fledged citizenship was further underscored when Congress failed to pass anti-lynching legislation in 1934 and 1935. The New Dealers, Franklin Roosevelt chief among them, did not seize the opportunity presented by the Great Depression to push for civil rights and social justice for African Americans. Their intent was not necessarily malicious. A more nuanced view of the issues shows that political expedience, and a measure of indifference, led the New Dealers to not treat civil rights as the pressing issue that it was. Roosevelt and the New Dealers believed that they faced the potential for significant resistance to their economic recovery program from Southern Democrats on Capitol Hill if they tried to interfere with race relations in the South. This thesis examines the first years of the Roosevelt Administration, roughly 1933 through 1936. This timeframe was carefully chosen because it was a period when the issues surrounding race and racism were brought to the fore. In the initial period of the New Deal we can see how Roosevelt met and failed to meet the expectations of African Americans. The prevailing view among the African American leadership in 1935, argued Harvard Sitkoff, was that the federal government had “betrayed [African Americans] under the New Deal.” Sitkoff referred to these “denunciations of the New Deal by blacks” as commonplace from 1933 to 1935. But beginning with the Second New Deal in the middle 1930s the criticism turned to applause.

Cette thèse a pour objet la lutte pour les droits civiques dans la période qui va de la crise économique de 1929 jusqu'à l'entrée en guerre des États-Unis en 1941, et ce à travers l'examen du rôle joué par la National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) d'une part et le parti communiste américain (CPUSA) de l'autre. Si ces deux organisations se firent d'abord concurrence, s'opposèrent même parfois, comme ce fut le cas lors de l'affaire Scottsboro, certains rapprochements s'esquissèrent un peu plus tard, dans la période du Second New Deal, notamment à l'occasion du National Negro Congress, tandis que la syndicalisation des ouvriers noirs devenait possible grâce à la fondation d'une nouvelle confédération syndicale, le Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). La NAACP et le PCUS, deux organisations que tout semblait séparer, furent donc amenées à se " rencontrer " autour de la question noire, et à modifier sensiblement certaines habitudes, comportements, ou réflexes. Alors que la NAACP se rapprochait du peuple noir, les militants communistes, en acquérant sur le terrain une expérience concrète, aidèrent le Parti à modérer sa rhétorique révolutionnaire. On pourrait dire aussi que la concurrence entre la NAACP et le PC constitua une sorte de préfiguration du mouvement pour les droits civiques des années cinquante et soixante.