La presente investigación busca dar cuenta de la reforma del Ejército peruano iniciada en el segundo gobierno de Nicolás de Piérola (1895-1899), vinculando su ejecución con los procesos de construcción del Estado peruano. Esta reforma acabó con los ejércitos caudillistas decimonónicos, transformando a la institución castrense en un ejército nacional, profesional y burocrático. A través de la concentración de una serie de competencias y recursos militares distribuidos en los diferentes actores sociales, esta reforma logró consolidar un Ejército lo suficientemente fuerte que permitió ejercer al Estado peruano su autoridad sobre aquellos actores durante las dos primeras décadas del siglo XX, rompiendo la dinámica política decimonónica que empleaba la guerra como medio de dirimir el acceso al poder. / --- This research seeks to study the Peruvian army reform in the second government of Nicolás de Piérola (1895-1899), linking its execution with the construction processes of the Peruvian State. This reform put an end to Peruvian caudillista armies of the nineteenth century, transforming the military into a national, professional and bureaucratic army. Through the concentration of skills and military resources distributed in different social actors, this reform managed to consolidate a strong army that allowed the Peruvian State to exercise its authority over those players during the first two decades of the twentieth century, breaking nineteenth-century political dynamics that used war as a mean to reachaccess political power.

En el presente artículo, el autor analiza el planteamiento central de la obra de Nicolás Maquiavelo, Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio. En ese sentido, se comenta la genuina propuesta de Maquiavelo sobre un modelo de gobierno mixto. n gobierno en el que se mantuviera vigente un modelo republicano que permita que, en tensión, los distintos grupos de la sociedad sean contrapesos entre ellos mismos, impidiendo la opresión de unos sobre otros. No obstante, se señala que en el planteamiento de Maquiavelo se propone que para afrontar los incidentes que pongan en peligro el régimen republicano se ha de imponer una dictadura constitucional como remedio temporal.

Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Lengua y Literatura Hispánica. / Trabajaré con “Diario de un loco”, de Gogol porque pienso que en él aparece una forma de comicidad que si bien produce risa, ésta no es del todo alegre, pues nos deja con una sensación parecida a la de la amargura. Y es que la función de la comicidad no es sólo la de producir risa o un sentimiento festivo, sino que también cumple la función de reprochar un error, de dejar de manifiesto algún vicio para que al verlo el espectador y rebajarlo por medio de la risa, no se vuelva a cometer; se trata de algo así como un fin didáctico. Tanto es así, que como nos dice Sypher, “que los antiguos se rieran de uno significaba la deshonra”.

The history of Latin America and the Caribbean was irreversibly altered by the arrival of the conquistadors, destruction of native civilizations and implementation of colonialism for hundreds of years. However, Spain also introduced the high culture of the baroque to Latin America and the Caribbean, which mixed with the cultures of native and African peoples, creating new, distinct forms of literary expression. Subsequent post-colonial cultural movements attempted to explore and reaffirm the variety of cultures that shaped both regions, including the movement of Afrocubanismo in Cuba, which occurred from 1910-1940. Afrocubanismo was a movement intended to incorporate African folklore and music into traditional modes of art. While many authors and artists were instrumental to Afrocubanismo, Nicolás Guillén is considered to be the most influential author of the movement, due to his new and inventive style of poetry that incorporated both Spanish and African influences. This study will demonstrate how Guillén’s use of traditional poetic forms, the son and portrayal of everyday Afro-Cuban life reveal his vision for a post-colonial, transcultured Cuban society, rather than a Cuba subject to colonialism and acculturation.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-08-31T13:11:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alana Maria Ribeiro Silva.pdf: 1735574 bytes, checksum: 371b22a2f3655cd2f57e63017d7af3ce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-31T13:11:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alana Maria Ribeiro Silva.pdf: 1735574 bytes, checksum: 371b22a2f3655cd2f57e63017d7af3ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15 / Capes / The TeleSUR is a multi-state television network, created in 2005, which is inserted in a political project of regional integration, aimed to strengthen the process of building a Latin American identity. According to its creators the network seeks to differentiate itself from big dominant international media that usually has a single speech. Thus, TeleSUR presents itself as an alternative to the peoples of the region. It was designed by former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, with the intention that could contribute to regional integration in the symbolic field. The multi-state network did part of a media strategy whose aim was to propagate the project bolivarino ideas to the world, as well as establecer a type of media diplomacy. Having this context as parameter, this study analyzes and discusses how the TeleSUR in government Nicolas Maduro, addresses the issue of regional integration in its news portal. For this, was made an analysis of the content of the news on the subject. Has also the intention to reflect on the process of building a Latin American identity in the symbolic and cultural levels. It concludes that, in government Nicolas Maduro, the Telesur continues the regional integration project conceived by Chavez since the period of its creation / A TeleSUR é uma rede de televisão multiestatal, criada em 2005, que inserido a um projeto político de integração regional, teve por objetivo fortalecer o processo de construção da identidade latino-americana. De acordo com os seus idealizadores a rede busca diferenciar-se da grande mídia internacional dominante que costuma apresentar um discurso único. Assim, a TeleSUR apresenta-se como uma alternativa para os povos da região. Ela foi idealizada pelo ex-presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, com intuito de que pudesse contribuir para a integração regional no campo simbólico. A rede multiestatal fez parte então de uma estratégia midiática cujo fim era propagar as ideias do projeto bolivariano para o mundo, bem como establecer um tipo de diplomacia midiática. Tendo tal contexto como parâmetro, este estudo analisa e discute de que modo a TeleSUR, no governo de Nicolás Maduro, aborda o tema da integração regional em seu portal de notícias. Para isso, é feito uma análise do conteúdo sobre as notícias relativas ao assunto. Tem-se ainda o intuito de refletir sobre o processo de construção da identidade latino-americana no plano simbólico e cultural. Conclui-se que, no governo de Nicolás Maduro, a Telesur dá continuidade ao projeto de integração regional idealizado por Chávez desde o período de sua criação.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-07-18T13:18:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alana Maria Ribeiro Silva.pdf: 46652099 bytes, checksum: e39d18677d5b87781cbe2e1e37308af1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T13:18:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Alana Maria Ribeiro Silva.pdf: 46652099 bytes, checksum: e39d18677d5b87781cbe2e1e37308af1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15 / CAPES / The TeleSUR is a multi-state television network, created in 2005, which is inserted in a political project of regional integration, aimed to strengthen the process of building a Latin American identity. According to its creators the network seeks to differentiate itself from big dominant international media that usually has a single speech. Thus, TeleSUR presents itself as an alternative to the peoples of the region. It was designed by former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, with the intention that could contribute to regional integration in the symbolic field. The multi-state network did part of a media strategy whose aim was to propagate the project bolivarino ideas to the world, as well as establecer a type of media diplomacy. Having this context as parameter, this study analyzes and discusses how the TeleSUR in government Nicolas Maduro, addresses the issue of regional integration in its news portal. For this, was made an analysis of the content of the news on the subject. Has also the intention to reflect on the process of building a Latin American identity in the symbolic and cultural levels. It concludes that, in government Nicolas Maduro, the Telesur continues the regional integration project conceived by Chavez since the period of its creation. / A TeleSUR é uma rede de televisão multiestatal, criada em 2005, que inserido a um projeto político de integração regional, teve por objetivo fortalecer o processo de construção da identidade latino-americana. De acordo com os seus idealizadores a rede busca diferenciar-se da grande mídia internacional dominante que costuma apresentar um discurso único. Assim, a TeleSUR apresenta-se como uma alternativa para os povos da região. Ela foi idealizada pelo ex-presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, com intuito de que pudesse contribuir para a integração regional no campo simbólico. A rede multiestatal fez parte então de uma estratégia midiática cujo fim era propagar as ideias do projeto bolivariano para o mundo, bem como establecer um tipo de diplomacia midiática. Tendo tal contexto como parâmetro, este estudo analisa e discute de que modo a TeleSUR, no governo de Nicolás Maduro, aborda o tema da integração regional em seu portal de notícias. Para isso, é feito uma análise do conteúdo sobre as notícias relativas ao assunto. Tem-se ainda o intuito de refletir sobre o processo de construção da identidade latino-americana no plano simbólico e cultural. Conclui-se que, no governo de Nicolás Maduro, a Telesur dá continuidade ao projeto de integração regional idealizado por Chávez desde o período de sua criação.

Par-delà la dispersion thématique et aphoristique de l’œuvre du philosophe colombien Nicolás Gómez Dávila (1913-1994), un spectre hante sa pensée : le spectre du gnosticisme. Quel lien ce courant religieux ou para religieux né au sein de l’Empire romain entre le Ier et le IIIe siècle de notre ère, peut-il avoir avec notre monde moderne ? Quel rapport entretien ce courant avec la philosophie ? En effet, la connaissance philosophique est totalement différente de la « connaissance » gnostique (gnosis). Alors que la philosophie, d’une part, se fonde sur une recherche de la vérité à partir d’un questionnement sur la réalité, la gnose est étroitement liée à une expérience de révélation, de sorte que la réception de la vérité, par illumination intérieure, remplace la théorie et l’argument rationnel. D’autre part, elle a pour objet la voie du salut, sans enseignement théorique, par transformation ou destruction de la réalité. On ne peut donc que s’interroger sur les coïncidences entre la gnose ancienne et ce que le philosophe austro-américain Éric Voegelin (1901-1985) a nommé « la modernité sans frein ». Ne pourrait-on pas voir dans les idéologies modernes (communisme, socialisme, nationalisme, libéralisme, etc.) à l’instar d’Éric Voegelin, des « religions politiques » ou, comme il le développera ensuite dans son œuvre une résurgence et excroissance du gnosticisme cherchant ici-bas le salut par la divinisation de l’homme ? C’est la thèse de Gómez Dávila qui radicalise celle de Voegelin en faisant de la gnose l’origine de la religion démocratique et de ses dérivations dans l’ordre théologico-politique (athéisme, progressisme, relativisme, étatisme et totalitarisme) et anthropologico-juridique (égalitarisme, jusnaturalisme et individualisme). / Beyond dispersion set of themes and aphoristic of the work of the Colombian philosopher Nicolás Gómez Dávila (1913-1994), a spectrum haunts his thought: the spectrum of the Gnosticism. Which link this current religious or para religious born within the Roman Empire between 1st and the 3rd century of our era, can it have with our modern world? Which maintenance report this current with philosophy? Indeed, philosophical knowledge is completely different from gnostic “knowledge” (gnosis). Whereas philosophy, on the one hand, is based on a research of the truth starting from a questioning on reality, the gnosis is closely related to an experiment of revelation, so that the reception of the truth, by interior illumination, replaces the theory and the rational argument. In addition, it has as an aim the way of the salvation, without theoretical teaching, by transformation or destruction of reality. One can thus only wonder about coincidences between the old gnosis and what the Austria-american philosopher Éric Voegelin (1901-1985) named “modernity without restraint”. Couldn’t one see in the modern ideologies (communism, socialism, nationalism, liberalism, etc.) following the example of Éric Voegelin, “political religions” or, as it will then develop it in his work a resurgence and growth of Gnosticism seeking here below salvation by the deification of the man? It is the thesis of Gómez Dávila which radicalizes that of Voegelin by making gnosis the origin of the democratic religion and its derivations in the theologico-polical (atheism, progressism, relativism, statism and totalitarianism) and anthropologico-legal order (egalitarianism, jusnaturalism and individualism).

Este projeto analisa quatro filmes da América Latina que têm como ponto comum o fato de estarem centrados em personagens que realizam viagens em seus países de origem (dois filmes) e na América do Sul (outros dois). O objetivo é demarcar nestas obras construídas sob a necessidade do deslocamento, dados constitutivos de identidade e pertencimento a uma dada geografia física e humana. Os que percorrem a América Latina são Diários de Motocicleta, dirigido pelo brasileiro Walter Salles e El viaje la aventura de ser joven, do cineasta argentino Fernando Ezequiel Pino Solanas. Os que centram suas narrativas em território nacional são Central do Brasil, também de Walter Salles, e Facundo, la sombra del tigre, do diretor argentino Nicolás Sarquís. O estudo aborda a relação dessas obras com o contexto cultural e político da América Latina dos anos 60, com destaque pontual a Brasil e Argentina, e discute como se apropriam do gênero road movie. Defende, ainda, que os quatro expõem e traduzem uma das tensões centrais da pós-modernidade, que é a sua convivência com o universo cultural da chamada modernidade sólida. Tal procedimento deriva principalmente da condição de percorrer a estrada e nela afirmar uma identidade configurada por valores quase sempre idealizados e nostálgicos, formando um conjunto de filmes que expressa a persistência das ficções-nacionais e pan-continentais no cinema contemporâneo de Brasil e Argentina. / This project will analyze four Latin American movies that have in common the fact of being centered in characters that travel around their country of origin (two movies) and South America (two other movies). The objective is to demarcate in these movies, which were built under the need of displacement, relevant information regarding the identity and belonging of a given physical and human geography.The two movies that take place in Latin America are Diários de Motocicleta, directed by the Brazilian Walter Salles and El viaje la aventura de ser joven, from the Argentinean filmmaker Fernando Ezequiel Pino Solanas. The other two movies that focus their narratives on national territory are Central do Brasil also from Walter Salles and Facundo, la sombra del tigre from Argentinean director Nicolás Sarquís. The study addresses the relationship of these works with the political and cultural context in Latin America on the 60s, with focus on Brazil and Argentina, and discusses how these movies also appropriate the road movie style. It also defends the idea that these movies expose and reflect one of the central tensions of post-modernity, which is its coexistence with the cultural universe called solid modernity. This procedure comes mainly from the condition of riding the road and on it reaffirming an identity shaped by values that are, almost always, idealized and nostalgic, forming a set of films that express the persistency of national fixation and pan-continental for Brazil and Argentinas contemporary cinema.

Este projeto analisa quatro filmes da América Latina que têm como ponto comum o fato de estarem centrados em personagens que realizam viagens em seus países de origem (dois filmes) e na América do Sul (outros dois). O objetivo é demarcar nestas obras construídas sob a necessidade do deslocamento, dados constitutivos de identidade e pertencimento a uma dada geografia física e humana. Os que percorrem a América Latina são Diários de Motocicleta, dirigido pelo brasileiro Walter Salles e El viaje la aventura de ser joven, do cineasta argentino Fernando Ezequiel Pino Solanas. Os que centram suas narrativas em território nacional são Central do Brasil, também de Walter Salles, e Facundo, la sombra del tigre, do diretor argentino Nicolás Sarquís. O estudo aborda a relação dessas obras com o contexto cultural e político da América Latina dos anos 60, com destaque pontual a Brasil e Argentina, e discute como se apropriam do gênero road movie. Defende, ainda, que os quatro expõem e traduzem uma das tensões centrais da pós-modernidade, que é a sua convivência com o universo cultural da chamada modernidade sólida. Tal procedimento deriva principalmente da condição de percorrer a estrada e nela afirmar uma identidade configurada por valores quase sempre idealizados e nostálgicos, formando um conjunto de filmes que expressa a persistência das ficções-nacionais e pan-continentais no cinema contemporâneo de Brasil e Argentina. / This project will analyze four Latin American movies that have in common the fact of being centered in characters that travel around their country of origin (two movies) and South America (two other movies). The objective is to demarcate in these movies, which were built under the need of displacement, relevant information regarding the identity and belonging of a given physical and human geography.The two movies that take place in Latin America are Diários de Motocicleta, directed by the Brazilian Walter Salles and El viaje la aventura de ser joven, from the Argentinean filmmaker Fernando Ezequiel Pino Solanas. The other two movies that focus their narratives on national territory are Central do Brasil also from Walter Salles and Facundo, la sombra del tigre from Argentinean director Nicolás Sarquís. The study addresses the relationship of these works with the political and cultural context in Latin America on the 60s, with focus on Brazil and Argentina, and discusses how these movies also appropriate the road movie style. It also defends the idea that these movies expose and reflect one of the central tensions of post-modernity, which is its coexistence with the cultural universe called solid modernity. This procedure comes mainly from the condition of riding the road and on it reaffirming an identity shaped by values that are, almost always, idealized and nostalgic, forming a set of films that express the persistency of national fixation and pan-continental for Brazil and Argentinas contemporary cinema.

As Paul Gilroy has argued, the Black Atlantic is a cultural and literary network that has emerged in the aftermath of the Atlantic slave trade. The concerns of the Black Atlantic are made visible in the poetry of African American Langston Hughes and Cuban Nicolás Guillén. Gilroy’s theorization of the Black Atlantic draws on W.E.B. Du Bois’s idea of ‘double consciousness’ which describes the “doubleness” that blacks can experience when belonging to two groups at the same time which have been constructed as oppositional and exclusive in a society. One of Du Bois’s main concerns is to highlight the troublesome situation of the African Americans in the time after the emancipation, and to advocate for the inclusion of black people’s culture and identity into the U.S. national identity. Gilroy develops the idea of double consciousness to question national identities, notions of ethnicity, and the assumption that cultures always flow into congruent patterns with national borders; he further suggests that the Atlantic should be taken as a single, complex formation of black cultural expression. The analysis in this essay of the poems by Hughes and Guillén show that even though the poetry of these writers emerges in different contexts their poetry share essential similarities in their expressions of the Black Atlantic: the expression of a collective subject’s experience of slavery and displacement, the experience of double consciousness, and the aspiration for a whole identity, which can either, or simultaneously, be a desire of belonging to a national identity or to a cosmopolitan identity. Furthermore the analysis displays that the poems express a belonging to a certain kind of ‘rootless cosmopolitanism’ in which the subject’s experience of not belonging and the unification in the dispersion is fundamental; this rootless world identity is in itself a manifestation of the Black Atlantic culture which Gilroy describes.