The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the lawfulness of the use of force by the United States of America against the so-called Islamic State in the territory of Syria, in terms of Ius ad bellum. For this purpose, the thesis is divided into three parts. The first part focuses on assessing the subjectivity of the Islamic State. In particular, the subjectivity is examined with regard to the criteria arising from the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States and from professional experience. The Islamic State is assessed in terms of defined territory, permanent population, effective government, capacity to enter into relations with other states, independence and legitimacy. The second part deals with the legal regulation of the use of force in international relations. After the presentation of the historical development, the attention is paid especially to the UN Charter and the ensuing prohibition of the threat or use of force in international relations. In the context of the use of force against the Islamic State, legal exceptions to this prohibition, which could be used in the fight against the Islamic State, are presented. First, attention is paid to the exceptions resulting from the UN Charter, which are self-defense under Article 51 and actions under Chapter VII. Two types of...

This research examined the police-media relationship through an exploratory content analysis of news articles indexed as police brutality and/or deadly force published in six newspapers (The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Chicago Tribune, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Denver Post and USA Today) between August 9th, 2013 and August 9th, 2015. This timeframe was selected in order to determine whether significant differences exist between articles published in the year before the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri on August 9th, 2014 compared to those published in the year afterward. Specifically, this research examined whether and how news stories pre and post-Ferguson exhibited characteristics of Lawrence’s (2000) event-driven model of news production. Event-driven news stories are indicated by increased frequency of coverage and differences in the types of voices and views represented. Content analysis indicated significant increases in overall reporting on police brutality and deadly force were found in the year after the killing of Michael Brown compared to the year before. Also, there were increases in the types of voices and views associated with the event-driven model of news production (critical nonofficial voices and systematizing views) in the year after the killing of Brown compared to the year before. Finally, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) results indicated considerably different discourse construction in news stories indexed as police brutality or deadly force in the aftermath of Brown’s killing compared to similar articles published the year before. Specifically, racial categories are more emphasized and victims of police brutality and deadly force are constructed as more passive and sympathetic after Brown’s killing compared to the year before.

During the past decade, a significant change in use of force norms took place within the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). The United Nations (UN) is founded on a collective security agreement, which gives the UNSC the power to authorize the use of force to protect UN member-states. The UN Charter explicitly provides the UNSC with a mandate to keep peace between states, not within them. In 2006, however, the UNSC unanimously adopted the "Responsibility to Protect" (R2P) doctrine, which expanded what I call the UNSC's circle of protection to include "human protection." Further, in exceptional circumstances, R2P gives the UNSC the power to authorize the use of force in a country without the consent of its government. Many UNSC members initially resisted institutionalizing R2P, especially those with contested territory and a history of foreign intervention, such as China. This dissertation attempts to explain how and why this change in use of force norms developed. I argue this macro-level change was principally due to two often overlooked factors: an epistemic community pushing the Council to become more empathetic and altruistic, and Council members wanting to gain social status. In order to adequately explain the development of R2P you must explain the significant role the epistemic community played. And to adequately explain the significance of the epistemic community you must explain the significant role empathy played. Further, to sufficiently explain the UNSC's decision to adopt R2P you must explain the significance of China's acceptance. And to sufficiently explain China's acceptance you must explain the significant role status-seeking played. Explanations for the adoption of R2P that do not acknowledge the significant role of empathy and social influence are incomplete and insufficient. Although others have argued emotion and social influence are important causal variables in international relations, few offer specific mechanisms or micro-processes demonstrating how these factors work. This dissertation attempts to fill this gap. The implications are that empathy and status-seeking matter far more to international relations than many suggest.

This dissertation consists of three essays on the American public's war calculus that hang together in two main ways. First, these essays all attempt to quantitatively measure how certain things about a mission abroad--including the positions of domestic and international elites on it, its American and enemy casualties, its chance of success and main objective, its dollar cost and duration, its location on the planet--causally impact the public's support at home. The first essay simultaneously measures the causal impacts of sixty features of a war, obtaining a rough outline of the public's calculus on war as a mathematical function. The second essay measures the causal impacts of accumulating American and insurgent body counts over time during a war, estimating their dynamic rate of change. And the third essay measures the causal impacts of domestic political elites during parallel real and hypothetical wars, discovering a new mechanism by which the public responds to their position-taking at home. But these measurements wouldn't be possible without the second way these three essays hang together: all of them employ the experimental method. These essays involve survey experiments that are atypical and nonstandard in the use of force literature. The first essay uses a conjoint experiment, which can powerfully estimate the causal impact of relatively many treatments with relatively few research subjects because of its efficiency. The second essay uses a panel experiment, which can estimate the cumulative causal impact of a dynamic treatments at many different points in time because of its sequential structure. And the third essay uses both real and hypothetical experiments, which can uncover how different contexts condition the estimates of treatment impacts.

O presente trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre o excesso de poder da força na atuação policial em Moçambique. Apresenta como plano de fundo a análise da atuação da polícia, no que concerne ao uso excessivo ou indiscriminado da força no exercício das suas funções, e a busca de soluções técnico-científicas para a redução desse problema. Assim, evitando a violação dos direitos humanos. A partir desta perspectiva, busca-se compreender a problemática do uso excessivo ou indiscriminado da força na atuação policial em Moçambique, vivida nos últimos anos pelo país, tendo em vista sugerir políticas a serem traçadas para minimizar, colmatar, e estancar o problema de tal forma que se extrapole este flagelo que atinge a sociedade moçambicana. Os ditames do art. 254 da Constituição da República de Moçambique datada de 1990, alterada em 2005, preconiza que a polícia deve assegurar o respeito pelo Estado de direito democrático e a observância estrita dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais dos cidadãos. Embora a Constituição e a lei proíbam tais práticas, a polícia, inadequadamente preparada, usou frequentemente força excessiva ou indiscriminada, além de cometer abusos físicos severos durante as apreensões, interrogatórios e detenções de suspeitos criminosos, inclusive em manifestações democráticas em todo o país. Em conformidade com o disposto no art. 358º do CPP/Mz que “proíbe a toda a autoridade ou agente de autoridade de maltratar ou fazer qualquer insulto, violência física ou psíquica. Neste sentido, as armas de fogo só devem ser utilizadas para defender as pessoas contra a ameaça iminente de morte ou ferimentos graves ou para impedir uma ameaça grave à vida e apenas quando meios menos extremos forem insuficientes. A força letal só deve ser utilizada quando for estritamente inevitável para proteger a vida. Em diversos casos de violações dos direitos humanos praticados pela polícia, não houve qualquer investigação e nem foram tomadas quaisquer medidas disciplinares contra os responsáveis e, de fato, nenhum agente da polícia foi processado. Pois, os autores deste crime continuam impunes e cometem outras violações. O ser humano é titular de um direito e é considerado como um membro da sociedade e goza de todos os direitos garantidos pela Constituição os quais não podem serem violados. / The present work presents a study about the abuse of power of the police force action in Mozambique. The purpose of this study is to analyze the police's behavior regarding the excessive or indiscriminate use of force in the exercise of their functions and to seek technical-scientific solutions to reduce this problem, thus avoiding the violation of human rights. From this perspective, the aim is to understand the problem of the excessive or indiscriminate use of force in the police action in Mozambique, which in recent years the country has lived and, with a view to suggesting policies to be drawn up to minimize, stop, or prevent problem so that this scourge that undermines Mozambican society is extrapolated. In the dictates of art. 254 of the Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique of 1990, amended in 2005, advocates that the police must ensure respect for the democratic rule of law and strict observance of citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms. Although the Constitution and the law prohibit such practices, the police, inadequately trained, often uses excessive or indiscriminate force and severe physical abuse during the seizures, interrogations, arrests of criminal suspects even in democratic demonstrations throughout the country. In accordance with the provisions of art. 355 of the CPP / Mz, that "prohibits any authority or agent of the authority from mistreating or doing any insult or physical or psychic violence. In this sense, firearms should only be used to defend people against the imminent threat of death or serious injury or to prevent a serious threat to life and only when less extreme means are insufficient. Lethal force should only be used when it is strictly unavoidable to protect life. In several cases of human rights violations committed by the police, no investigation was carried out and no disciplinary action was taken against those responsible and, in fact, no police officers were prosecuted. For the perpetrators of this crime remain unpunished and commit other violations. The human being holds a right, and he/she is considered as a member of society and has all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and cannot be violated.

A partir do exame da formação e identificação da norma consuetudinária, consoante os pressupostos da teoria dos dois elementos, investiga-se a índole consuetudinária das intervenções humanitárias no contexto do Direito Internacional Contemporâneo, a fim de verificar se tais práticas estatais teriam se constituído em um costume internacional e, por conseguinte, se elas ampliaram o rol das exceções ao princípio da proibição do uso da força pelos Estados nas relações internacionais esculpido no artigo 2 (4) da Carta das Nações Unidas. Dada a polissemia existente para a expressão intervenção humanitária, esta pode ser compreendida como o recurso à força armada por um Estado, ou grupo de Estados, para além das suas fronteiras, conforme discricionariedade própria, ou seja, sem a autorização do CSNU, com o propósito de cessar práticas em largas escalas, persistentes e generalizadas, comissivas ou omissivas, de graves violações dos Direito Humanos e Internacional Humanitário. A partir da apuração dos elementos que conformam esse conceito estabelecido, do exame dos casos de ocorrência e das justificativas legais apresentadas pelos Estados interventores para essa prática interventiva, conjugado com a reação dos demais Estados à essa conduta, por uma considerável e persistente falta de expresso reconhecimento do caráter de direito para a intervenção humanitária, é possível afirmar que os Estados sucessivamente reafirmaram o reconhecimento do princípio da interdição do uso da força pelos Estados nas suas relações internacionais e, que nos quadros do Direito Internacional contemporâneo, a este tipo de intervenção não é um costume internacional porque carece de opinio iuris. / From the examination of the formation and identification of international customary, depending on the assumptions of the theory of the two elements, investigates the customary nature of humanitarian interventions in the context of Contemporary International Law, in order to verify whether such State practice would have incurred an international custom and, therefore, if they expanded the list of exceptions to the principle of prohibition of the use of force in international relations States carved in article 2 (4) of the Charter of the United Nations. Given the existing polysemy for the term humanitarian intervention, this can be understood as the use of armed force by a State or group of States, beyond its borders, according to own discretion, i.e. without the permission of the UNSC, to cease practices in wide ranges, persistent and widespread, comissivas or omissivas, of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. The examination of the elements that make up this concept established and the cases and legal justifications submitted by States interveners to this practice interventional, combined with the reaction of other States that conduct by a considerable and persistent lack of expressed recognition of the character of the right to humanitarian intervention, it is possible to affirm that the States successively reaffirmed recognition of the principle of prohibition of the use of force by States in their international relations and, that in the frames of contemporary international law, this type of intervention is not a customary international because lacks opinio iuris.

abstract: Prior ethnographic research has found some relatively consistent factors that influence an officer’s use of force (e.g., organizational and suspect and officer characteristics). However, very little research has explored the effect department size in and of itself may have on force displayed during a police/citizen encounter. This study used data from the 2010 – 2013 Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network (AARIN) to examine the relationship between departmental size and officer use of force. Participants in this data collection cycle were limited to adult male and female arrestees (N = 2,273). AARIN personnel conducted confidential interviews and used a Police-Contact Addendum to document the type of forced employed by police during their current arrest. This study sought to answer the following research question: does the likelihood of an officer employing use of force increase (or decrease) in relation to department size the officer is nested in? The results indicate that citizens who are arrested by officers from a larger agency are more likely to report experiencing use of force during their arrest when compared to those arrested by officers from small and medium sized agencies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Criminology and Criminal Justice 2017

A partir do exame da formação e identificação da norma consuetudinária, consoante os pressupostos da teoria dos dois elementos, investiga-se a índole consuetudinária das intervenções humanitárias no contexto do Direito Internacional Contemporâneo, a fim de verificar se tais práticas estatais teriam se constituído em um costume internacional e, por conseguinte, se elas ampliaram o rol das exceções ao princípio da proibição do uso da força pelos Estados nas relações internacionais esculpido no artigo 2 (4) da Carta das Nações Unidas. Dada a polissemia existente para a expressão intervenção humanitária, esta pode ser compreendida como o recurso à força armada por um Estado, ou grupo de Estados, para além das suas fronteiras, conforme discricionariedade própria, ou seja, sem a autorização do CSNU, com o propósito de cessar práticas em largas escalas, persistentes e generalizadas, comissivas ou omissivas, de graves violações dos Direito Humanos e Internacional Humanitário. A partir da apuração dos elementos que conformam esse conceito estabelecido, do exame dos casos de ocorrência e das justificativas legais apresentadas pelos Estados interventores para essa prática interventiva, conjugado com a reação dos demais Estados à essa conduta, por uma considerável e persistente falta de expresso reconhecimento do caráter de direito para a intervenção humanitária, é possível afirmar que os Estados sucessivamente reafirmaram o reconhecimento do princípio da interdição do uso da força pelos Estados nas suas relações internacionais e, que nos quadros do Direito Internacional contemporâneo, a este tipo de intervenção não é um costume internacional porque carece de opinio iuris. / From the examination of the formation and identification of international customary, depending on the assumptions of the theory of the two elements, investigates the customary nature of humanitarian interventions in the context of Contemporary International Law, in order to verify whether such State practice would have incurred an international custom and, therefore, if they expanded the list of exceptions to the principle of prohibition of the use of force in international relations States carved in article 2 (4) of the Charter of the United Nations. Given the existing polysemy for the term humanitarian intervention, this can be understood as the use of armed force by a State or group of States, beyond its borders, according to own discretion, i.e. without the permission of the UNSC, to cease practices in wide ranges, persistent and widespread, comissivas or omissivas, of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. The examination of the elements that make up this concept established and the cases and legal justifications submitted by States interveners to this practice interventional, combined with the reaction of other States that conduct by a considerable and persistent lack of expressed recognition of the character of the right to humanitarian intervention, it is possible to affirm that the States successively reaffirmed recognition of the principle of prohibition of the use of force by States in their international relations and, that in the frames of contemporary international law, this type of intervention is not a customary international because lacks opinio iuris.

O presente trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre o excesso de poder da força na atuação policial em Moçambique. Apresenta como plano de fundo a análise da atuação da polícia, no que concerne ao uso excessivo ou indiscriminado da força no exercício das suas funções, e a busca de soluções técnico-científicas para a redução desse problema. Assim, evitando a violação dos direitos humanos. A partir desta perspectiva, busca-se compreender a problemática do uso excessivo ou indiscriminado da força na atuação policial em Moçambique, vivida nos últimos anos pelo país, tendo em vista sugerir políticas a serem traçadas para minimizar, colmatar, e estancar o problema de tal forma que se extrapole este flagelo que atinge a sociedade moçambicana. Os ditames do art. 254 da Constituição da República de Moçambique datada de 1990, alterada em 2005, preconiza que a polícia deve assegurar o respeito pelo Estado de direito democrático e a observância estrita dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais dos cidadãos. Embora a Constituição e a lei proíbam tais práticas, a polícia, inadequadamente preparada, usou frequentemente força excessiva ou indiscriminada, além de cometer abusos físicos severos durante as apreensões, interrogatórios e detenções de suspeitos criminosos, inclusive em manifestações democráticas em todo o país. Em conformidade com o disposto no art. 358º do CPP/Mz que “proíbe a toda a autoridade ou agente de autoridade de maltratar ou fazer qualquer insulto, violência física ou psíquica. Neste sentido, as armas de fogo só devem ser utilizadas para defender as pessoas contra a ameaça iminente de morte ou ferimentos graves ou para impedir uma ameaça grave à vida e apenas quando meios menos extremos forem insuficientes. A força letal só deve ser utilizada quando for estritamente inevitável para proteger a vida. Em diversos casos de violações dos direitos humanos praticados pela polícia, não houve qualquer investigação e nem foram tomadas quaisquer medidas disciplinares contra os responsáveis e, de fato, nenhum agente da polícia foi processado. Pois, os autores deste crime continuam impunes e cometem outras violações. O ser humano é titular de um direito e é considerado como um membro da sociedade e goza de todos os direitos garantidos pela Constituição os quais não podem serem violados. / The present work presents a study about the abuse of power of the police force action in Mozambique. The purpose of this study is to analyze the police's behavior regarding the excessive or indiscriminate use of force in the exercise of their functions and to seek technical-scientific solutions to reduce this problem, thus avoiding the violation of human rights. From this perspective, the aim is to understand the problem of the excessive or indiscriminate use of force in the police action in Mozambique, which in recent years the country has lived and, with a view to suggesting policies to be drawn up to minimize, stop, or prevent problem so that this scourge that undermines Mozambican society is extrapolated. In the dictates of art. 254 of the Constitution of the Republic of Mozambique of 1990, amended in 2005, advocates that the police must ensure respect for the democratic rule of law and strict observance of citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms. Although the Constitution and the law prohibit such practices, the police, inadequately trained, often uses excessive or indiscriminate force and severe physical abuse during the seizures, interrogations, arrests of criminal suspects even in democratic demonstrations throughout the country. In accordance with the provisions of art. 355 of the CPP / Mz, that "prohibits any authority or agent of the authority from mistreating or doing any insult or physical or psychic violence. In this sense, firearms should only be used to defend people against the imminent threat of death or serious injury or to prevent a serious threat to life and only when less extreme means are insufficient. Lethal force should only be used when it is strictly unavoidable to protect life. In several cases of human rights violations committed by the police, no investigation was carried out and no disciplinary action was taken against those responsible and, in fact, no police officers were prosecuted. For the perpetrators of this crime remain unpunished and commit other violations. The human being holds a right, and he/she is considered as a member of society and has all the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and cannot be violated.

This thesis consists in a critical analysis of international law’s traditional historical narrative about the prohibition of the use of force. Most contemporary textbooks teach that this prohibition was a creation of the twentieth century, and that beforehand States were free to resort to armed force against each other unconstrained. Positive international law, the story goes, was ‘indifferent’ to the use of force – it did not prohibit it but did not authorize it either, which meant that, in practice, States could do as they pleased. ‘Reality’ as it stems from historical sources, however, appears much more complex. In fact, not only did the vast majority of nineteenth century authors claimed war and measures short of war to be strictly ring-fenced by international law, but it also seems that States quasi-systematically felt the urge to justify their actions when they employed force against another nation. Starting from the observation of this discrepancy and using tools of history, sociology, anthropology and social psychology, the present research seeks to understand the roots of the ‘indifference’-narrative and how it became the commonly accepted version of the history of the use of force in international. / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished