Pastaruoju metu nevengiama pabrėžti, kad keičiasi valstybių saugumo pobūdis ir grėsmių specifika – dažnai ir išsamiai kalbama apie tradicinių, karinių grėsmių reikšmės sumažėjimą ir naujo tipo grėsmių atsiradimą. Dar visai neseniai ryšys tarp energetikos ir užsienio bei saugumo politikos nebuvo nei toks akivaizdus, nei taip stipriai akcentuojamas. Tačiau per pastaruosius kelerius metus tarptautinė situacija dėl energijos apsirūpinimo smarkiai pasikeitė. Garantuotas energetinių išteklių tiekimas stabiliomis kainomis tapo rimta tarptautinių santykių problema. Europos Sąjungos priklausomybė nuo Rusijos energijos šaltinių ypač padidėjo. Jau šiuo metu apie 40 procentų dujų ir apie trečdalį naftos daugelis ES �����alių gauna iš Rusijos, kitos, sakykim, Lenkija ar Baltijos valstybės, – dar daugiau. Lietuva jau ir šiandien yra per daug priklausoma nuo Rusijos energetinių išteklių, o kai bus uždaryta Ignalinos atominė elektrinė, priklausomybė nuo išorinių šaltinių - o tai reiškia, nuo Rusijos - dar padidės. Rusijai ir Vokietijai Baltijos jūros dugnu nutiesus Šiaurės Europos dujotiekį, Lietuva taps dar labiau izoliuota Europos „energetinė sala”. ES nesugeba suformuoti vieningos ES energetinės politikos Rusijos atžvilgiu, nes dauguma ES narių vis dar yra linkusios palaikyti joms palankų dvišalį dialogą su Rusija, neretai neatsižvelgdamos į kaimyninių valstybių ar ES interesus plačiąja prasme. Dėl to atskirų ES valstybių energetinė priklausomybė nuo Rusijos yra linkusi didėti. Tuo pačiu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Energy security is, at its essence, an issue of national security. Due to the power that energy-producing states have relative to transit and consumer countries, energy security must be understood in terms of geopolitics. The gas cutoff to Ukraine on January 1, 2006 is often called a “wake-up moment” for Europe, in other words, the point at which Europeans became aware of their over-dependence on Russian gas. Recognizing the risk, that East and Central Europe countries will have difficulty resisting Russian political and economic pressure, US Vice President Dick Cheney underlined on May 4 at the 2006 Vilnius Conference that “No legitimate interest is served when oil and gas become tools of intimidation or blackmail, either by supply manipulation or attempts to monopolize transportation.” That said, and while countries ranging from Central Asia to the Baltic Sea want to diversify their sources away from Russia, to date, there is still no coherent energy security policy in Europe or the US. Despite some recent efforts, a real common energy strategy of the European Union is still in the making. Every single EU-member has therefore opted for bilateral policies towards energy exporters in order to tackle mounting energy demands at a time when global hydrocarbon resources are slowly but steadily being depleted. Europe is wedged between energy producers in the North Sea, North Africa and the Middle East, but Russia has come to be one of the most interesting exporters of energy to... [to full text]

Diplomová práca sa zameriava na súčasné a projektované trasy produktovodov z Ruska a kaspického regiónu do EÚ.Popisuje výhody a nevýhody jednotlivých projektov z ekonomického, politického a sčasti technického hľadiska. Zároveň pojednáva o pravdepodobnom vývoji závislosti EÚ na ruskej rope a zemnom plyne v časovom vymedzení do roku 2030.

Diplomová práca sa zameriava na súčasné a projektované trasy produktovodov z Ruska a kaspického regiónu do EÚ.Popisuje výhody a nevýhody jednotlivých projektov z ekonomického, politického a sčasti technického hľadiska. Zároveň pojednáva o pravdepodobnom vývoji závislosti EÚ na ruskej rope a zemnom plyne v časovom vymedzení do roku 2030.

<p>Big dangerous Russia, environmental thief or house warmer? The Nord Stream pipelines are a highly debated theme in Europe and the EU. A number of different countries will be subject to the pipelines direct or indirect. This paper aims to figure out what kind of threats and possibilities Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Germany consider to be the consequences with the pipelines.</p><p>The study takes as a standpoint the area of security studies and the widened of the same. The three standpoints within the security study that will be used are military security, environmental security and energy security. It is a comparative study that has been done with help of a text analysis.</p><p>The analysis concludes that Sweden is the country of the four that finds the most threats with the pipeline. Sweden thinks Nord Stream is a threat within all of the three securities mentioned above even though Sweden also see a possibility within energy security. Denmark, on the other hand, does not see a threat at all and Germany and Finland see a threat within the environmental area but not within the two other areas. They also see a possibility within the energy security.</p>

<p>This thesis has investigated and analysed whether or not the Nord Stream Natural Gas Pipeline has affected or changed Europe's security situation. By analysing how the Nord Stream Natural Gas Pipeline has been described as a political or economic project by the EU, one can conclude whether the project has been securitized by the EU or not. This is done through the study of official EU documents. The documents have been analysed using framework for sector analysis  and securitization as theorised by the Copenhagen School of international relations. By distinguishing the different conceptions of threat, security and methods discussed in these documents it is possible to analyse whether arguments belong to either the economic or political sector of sector analysis, and how they can be seen as signs of securitization. This has been done by utilizing qualitative text analysis in a case study framework. The thesis concludes that the  Nord Stream Natural Gas Pipeline has not been securitized as a threat by the EU. On the contrary, the project is endorsed as a part of energy proliferation. The EU insist and encourages upon the project and several similar ones in order to ensure energy security for the EU in the future.</p>

Subject of current diploma thesis is study of transport infrastructure of Russian Federation. Study is reviewing development of transport after revolution to the present day, describes transportation network and main parts of it with emphasis on freight transportation. Study shows role of each form of transportation within the state and as a part international trade, shows major problems in every sector, prospects or development and strategic targets. Russian import-export structure proves, that country exports resources as main commodity and imports goods and services, which is a reason or importance of Sankt-Peterburg and Siberian regions and their development. Study also analyzes further dialogue regarding integration of Russia into European transportation network via corridors and cooperation in the matter of unification of technical and other norms and working on Nord Stream and other projects. Main inhibitor of integration process is underdevelopment of legislative and economical conditions and fragmentation of Russian government in key strategic decisions regarding long-term projects and obsolescence of Russian infrastructure. Cooperation can be profitable to both sides, to EU it brings resources and new markets, to Russia increase of economic welfare and modernization of standards).

<p>The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility & the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility & the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.</p>

<p>The master thesis is about the Nord-Stream gas pipeline from Russia to Germany, which will cross the Baltic Sea and go through territorial waters of Denmark, Finland and Sweden. Nord-Stream is a complex project with different stakeholders and different interests. The main focus of the study is the representation of the Nord-Stream project in the media of Russia and Sweden as stakeholders in the deal. The period of media representation is 2009.</p>

The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility &amp; the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.The Nord Stream natural gas pipeline has been a controversial project. The debate was primarily escalated by Poland's strong negative reaction to the project in the spring of 2006 over safety and security and then alternated back and forth in Europe until the approval by the nations most concerned in the Baltic region during the autumn of 2009.In the case study an approach is used that primarily maps out the media image of the various viewpoints that deal with the pipeline and how these viewpoints position themselves, primarily through political and environmental dimensions. Simultaneously there’s an attempt to map out the spatial spread of the media image views as to the proximity and distance to the pipeline in Sweden, Poland and Germany. A key question is whether distance or proximity to a large facility can affect people's attitudes.A parallel focus of the study is to explore the role of the Nord Stream natural gas pipeline in the cross-border hinterland region of Szczecin-Świnoujście. The complex cross-border relationship between Germany and Poland is characterized by the opportunities and obstacles to mobility &amp; the potential of conflict between the needs of the individual vs. the state, partly due to an unbalanced hierarchy between the two nations.An understanding of the pipeline's impact on the border region is shown in part by an analysis of the city of Szczecin's theoretical potential in its hinterland, with special reference to the impact of the state boundary before and after Poland's entry into the European Union and the Schengen regime.Other contributions to the outline of this thesis deal partly with Medialisation and Framing, as the media-investigation in the study handles concerns, arguments and opinions about the pipeline-project, highlighted by the media. Another subject deals with risk assessment, as no one can be certain what will happen in case of an accident to the pipeline.A general concluding comment to the results of the media-investigation is that they are too parsimonious. However there are some assumptions to be made: In the resulting discussion it is argued, among other things, that from the political aspect both Poland and Sweden share a negative opinion towards the pipeline, while the opinion of German people appears positive to the project, according to the media viewpoints. From the environmentalaspect the over-all picture is that the opinions of the whole of Poland and the local levels of Germany and Sweden respectively (i.e. people living near the Nord Stream pipeline) are negative also – feel unsafe according to the project, due to the media viewpoints.A second assumption is that the media location does not play a major role in the way media coverage highlights the views of those for the pipeline or those against the pipeline.The overall impression is that the media coverage largely follows state affinities, in the sense that the relative openness of the argument that every state seems to represent, seems also to be reflected through media coverage in each state.

This thesis has investigated and analysed whether or not the Nord Stream Natural Gas Pipeline has affected or changed Europe's security situation. By analysing how the Nord Stream Natural Gas Pipeline has been described as a political or economic project by the EU, one can conclude whether the project has been securitized by the EU or not. This is done through the study of official EU documents. The documents have been analysed using framework for sector analysis  and securitization as theorised by the Copenhagen School of international relations. By distinguishing the different conceptions of threat, security and methods discussed in these documents it is possible to analyse whether arguments belong to either the economic or political sector of sector analysis, and how they can be seen as signs of securitization. This has been done by utilizing qualitative text analysis in a case study framework. The thesis concludes that the  Nord Stream Natural Gas Pipeline has not been securitized as a threat by the EU. On the contrary, the project is endorsed as a part of energy proliferation. The EU insist and encourages upon the project and several similar ones in order to ensure energy security for the EU in the future.