This work will try to analyse, if a project of Nort-South gas corridor is a really effective solution for EU and if this project really supports an effort to achieve a common energy security of EU. Work is based on hypothesis that natural gas and significant difference between member states of EU in dependence on Russian gas are the main problems which complicate efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU. Project, which could support efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU must be a project which could assure a diversification of gas routes and diversification of gas sources without weakening of energy security of any of EU member states. This work will try to analyse if existing gas projects (North Stream, South Stream, Nabucco and North- South gas corridor are really realistic projects which meet energy needs of member states of EU and long-term policy of EU. This work will try to prove, that North- South gas corridor is f the project, which really brings diversification of gas sources and gas routes and existence of this project will have also positive influence on efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU.

The purpose of this study is to analyze security risks regarding the Navalny-case for acquiring a broader understanding concerning the sanctions and the security development regarding Nord Stream 2. Furthermore, upholding an perception concerning definition of security and the impact of a finalized Nord Stream 2-project. Consequently, comprehend the understanding with a liberal and realistic perspective interpreting of the case and the controversial infrastructure project. For a comprehensive apprehension of security, military-, environmental-, energy- and economy security is given. To investigate the scientific problem, a qualitative case study with content analysis is utilized. I will argue of using the criteria contained in the theory that my questions to be answered. All safety dimensions have been considered to be affected, some more than others. At the same time, insecurity is being expressed regarding the military security surrounding increased military activity in the Baltic Sea which could lead to a NATO membership. Higher water temperature and contamination of the seawater is reflected in the environmental security. The effect on energy security is considered to be higher on the agenda after the impact of the Navalny-case, regarding for a reliable trade partner. At the same time, financial security is affected on the basis regarding job insecurity.

La thèse traite des questions énergétiques et géopolitiques relatives à deux États centre-eurasiatiques, l’Azerbaïdjan et le Turkménistan. Au premier niveau d’analyse, la thèse se concentre sur la place de l’Azerbaïdjan et du Turkménistan dans les rivalités de pouvoirs et les rapports de force régionaux. Elle met en évidence les deux types de compétitions qui existent autour des hydrocarbures de l’Azerbaïdjan et du Turkménistan. Premièrement, il s’agit de la compétition géopolitique qui oppose la Russie, acteur régional à deux acteurs extrarégionaux, les États-Unis et l’Union Européenne. Deuxièmement, il s’agit de la compétition commerciale qui existe entre les sociétés énergétiques, d’une part et d’une autre part, des tensions qui émergent entre les premières et les pouvoirs politiques de leurs pays d’origine. Au second niveau d’analyse, la thèse se focalise sur le rôle de l’Azerbaïdjan et du Turkménistan dans les compétitions régionales. Elle s’intéresse à la façon dont les deux États utilisent leurs ressources énergétiques, leurs positions géographiques et l’environnement géopolitique pour promouvoir leurs intérêts de politique étrangère. La thèse explore cette situation par le prisme du Nouveau Grand Jeu. Ce concept y est employé pour souligner les antagonismes existants entre les puissances régionales et extrarégionales au sujet du transport des hydrocarbures de l’Azerbaïdjan et du Turkménistan. La chronologie de la thèse s’étend sur la période comprise entre le moment de la chute de l’URSS et le présent. Cette période est structurée en deux étapes comprenant les années 1991-2006 et 2006-2013 qui sont désignées comme l’âge du pétrole et respectivement, l’âge du gaz. / This dissertation focuses on the energy and geopolitical issues of two Central-Eurasian countries, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. At the first level of analysis, the dissertation looks at the place of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan in the great power rivalries in Central Eurasia. It emphasizes the existence of two types of competition over the energy resources of these two post-soviet countries. Firstly, it analyzes the geopolitical competition among regional and extra-regional actors, Russia, the United States and the European Union. Secondarily, the dissertation emphasizes the commercial competition among major international energy companies. It also identifies the existing tensions between these multinational actors and the political authorities in their home countries. At the second level of analysis, the dissertation is focused on the role played by Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan in the geopolitical and commercial rivalries. The dissertation analyzes the way that the two countries use their energy resources, geographical positions and sensitive geopolitical context in order to promote and defend their foreign policy interests. The dissertation looks at this complex situation through the lens of the New Great Game. This concept is used with a view to underlining the antagonism between regional and extra-regional powers regarding the oil and gas export routes of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. In terms of chronology, the dissertation covers the period from the collapse of the USSR until the present day. This period is divided into two so-called epochs: the Age of Oil (1991-2006) and the Age of Gas (2006-present day).

Die Dissertation besteht aus drei unabhängigen Essays zur Anwendung der kooperativen Spieltheorie auf den internationalen Erdgashandel. Das internationale Erdgasnetz wird von einem stilisierten quantitativen Modell dargestellt, welches aus den wichtigsten Produzenten, Verbrauchern, Pipelines und LNG-Terminals besteht. Die Koalitionsfunktion berücksichtigt wesentliche Merkmale des internationalen Gashandels und schildert die Abhängigkeiten zwischen den Akteuren. Das Spiel wird mit dem Shapley-Wert und dem Nukleolus gelöst, welche alternative Indizes für die Darstellung der Machtstruktur sind. Kapitel 1 versucht die Interessen der Spieler in drei Pipeline-Projekte, d.h. Nord Stream, South Stream und Nabucco, zu rationalisieren. Das Kapitel ordnet die Investitionen in die neuen Pipelines ihren Auswirkungen auf die Verhandlungsmacht der Akteure zu und zieht dabei Rückschlüsse auf die Aussagekraft der Lösungskonzepte. Der Shapley-Wert rechtfertigt die jüngsten Investitionen in die Pipelines als rationale Versuche, die Machtstruktur zu verändern. Im Gegensatz zum Shapley-Wert kann der Nukleolus die empirischen Beobachtungen nicht nachbilden. Kapitel 2 studiert Pipeline-Projekte im zentralasiatischen Raum. Die Ergebnisse erklären die Unterstützung der zentralasiatischen Länder für eine nach China verlaufende Pipeline statt einem nach Europa führenden Projekt, und zeigen, dass die Konkurrenz zwischen China und Europa für das zentralasiatische Erdgas vernachlässigbar ist. Kapitel 3 untersucht die bedeutendsten Entwicklungen in Angebot und Nachfrage im globalen LNG-Markt sowie deren Einfluss auf die Machtstruktur im eurasischen Erdgashandel. Die Entwicklungen kommen den europäischen Verbrauchern deutlich zugute, aber scheitern dabei, die Macht der etablierten Anbieter um Europa, beispielsweise Russlands, einzudämmen. / The dissertation contains three independent essays on the application of cooperative game theory on the international natural gas trade. The international natural gas network is represented by a stylized disaggregated quantitative model consisting of its major producers, customers, trunk-pipelines and LNG terminals. The value function considers essential characteristics of the international gas trade and characterizes the interdependencies between the major actors. The game is solved with the Shapley value and the nucleolus as alternative indexes for capturing the power of different players. Chapter 1 aims to rationalize players'' interest in the three pipeline projects, i.e., Nord Stream, South Stream, and Nabucco. The chapter relates the investments into the new pipelines to their impact on the power structure and thereby makes conclusions about the explanatory power of the solution concepts. While the Shapley value can explain the recent investments in the new pipelines as a rational attempt to alter the power structure in the network, the nucleolus, in contrast, fails to replicate the empirical evidence. Chapter 2 studies pipeline options of the Central Asian countries aimed at diversifying their transit routes and export markets. The results explain the Central Asian countries'' endorsement for an eastbound pipeline to China rather than a Europe-bound option, and show negligible demand competition between China and Europe for Central Asian supplies. Chapter 3 investigates major supply and demand developments in the global LNG market as well as their impact on the power structure in the Eurasian natural gas trade. The developments benefit European consumers significantly, but barely curtail the power of the established suppliers in close proximity to Europe, such as Russia.

This master thesis The emergence of the Common energy policy of the EU in the context of the EU-Russia energy cooperation aims to answer the question of whether Russia with its aggressive energy policy (gas crisis, gas pipeline projects) stands behind the EU's inability to advance a strong Common energy policy despite all its efforts. By analysing the member states' behaviour in relation to the key development in the energy field, we will be able to assess Russia's influence. The thesis will then demonstrate that it is the divergent national policies of the member states that stand behind the EU's inability to push forward a Common energy policy. The member states, in the pursuit of the maximization of benefits, support the Common energy policy only if it aligns with their national interests. The categorization of the member states based on their dependence on Russian gas and the size of their gas markets in relation to Russian gas exports will provide broadly representative conclusions about the member states behaviour towards the Common energy policy based on these two variables.