The concept of Normative Power Europe (NPE) conceptualizes the European Union (EU) as a unique international actor, empowered by a foundation consisting of certain norms and values. Scholars of the NPE underline the significance of discursive representation strategies in the EU’s normative power international identity. A normative power EU should express no value-judgment or articulate any hierarchical positioning in the so-called othering– the construction of the self and the other– and display reflexivity. Previous research shows that NPE was weakened by Europe’s refugee crisis 2015-2016, partly by the strategic cooperation on migration that was established with Turkey. However, some argue that the European Parliament (EP) managed to uphold the normative power identity through safeguarding the values and norms of the EU’s normative basis. Through identifying and analyzing the discursive representations of Turkey 2010-2011, 2015-2016 and 2021, this thesis explores how and if the normative power EU via the EP withstood the challenges of the refugee crisis or if the crisis ultimately became the bane of NPE. The results show a dominant pattern of non-normative othering in all three cases, which undermines the claims of EP as a safeguard as well as the legitimacy of the NPE concept. The results however do not determine if the NPE concept is to be ruled out for good or not. The thesis contributes to the previous research on normative power, identity construction and European foreign policy.

The aim of this thesis was to examine the extent to which the European Union can be considered a normative power in relation to the Russian Federation. The European Union has evolved into one of the most important global actors in the international arena and this development has, consequently, sparked series of debates trying to define the role of its actorness in relation to third parties. On one hand, scholars have emphasized the normative and value-driven features of the European Union as a whole, especially in the area of foreign policy cooperation where there exists enhanced emphasis on the importance of values and norms in comparison to other traditional actors in international relations. On the other hand, structural realists provided alternative interest-driven vision under which the member states are expected to follow common approach of the European Union only in cases that do not conflict with their national interests that are claimed to always prevail. These two alternative perspectives to the research have provided thesis with criteria of expected behaviour that the thesis examined on the specific case of the visa policy of the European Union towards Russia. The accuracy of the two theoretical frameworks was analysed by following three criteria - development of the policy over time,...

No description available.

Through the conception of the EU as a normative power, scholars envisage moving beyond the traditional notion of power in international relations. Scholars have argued that this “new kind of political ethics” entails an expectation on political discourse to avoid antagonistic othering and for consistency between the internal and external dimensions of identity construction. By exploring the previously overlooked internal dimension of Normative Power Europe (NPE), in light of Hungary challenging the upholding of the EU’s founding values, this thesis investigates how EU representatives discursively manage differences “at home”. The discourse analysis identified a dominant pattern of antagonistic othering towards the Hungarian government, suggesting a dilemma in upholding EU values while complying with the expectation that being a “new kind of power” entails. The results further suggest that the internal dilemma has implications on the credibility of the EU as an actor in foreign policy. In studying the managing of internal differences, this thesis adds to previous NPE scholarship on how the EU, in addressing internal fallacies, could work as a “laboratory” and project credible normative power in international relations.

There are many ways in which to define the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Using Holsti‟s definitions of role theory, this study distinguishes between the ego (the EU) and the alter (the ACP countries), referring to the differing perceptions that each has regarding the same issue: the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). It is argued that the EU carries out its external policies vis-à-vis the ACP countries, and in particular with the EPAs, in a manner that is perceived very differently by the two parties. The EU perceives its behaviour as that of Normative Power Europe (NPE) whereby actions are identified as altruistic and determined by a number of norms that form the core of the EU. Alternatively, it is suggested that in contrast to NPE, the ACP countries, with specific reference to southern Africa, experience and perceive quite a different version of the EU which is determined by Market Power Europe (MPE). MPE highlights a tangible and self-interested Europe not concerned entirely with altruistic intentions but rather the interests of its Single Market. The co-existence of these perceptions accounts for the difficulties faced in concluding the EPA negotiations. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study analyzes the European Union's governance methods in Kosovo during the negotiation process for EU membership, since the country's declaration of independence. To carry out an analysis, this study uses a theory-consuming case study as its method. The study uses Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way's theory of Western Linkage and Leverage as an analytical tool to analyze what governance methods the European Union has used in Kosovo. But also to find out if they have had an impact on Kosovo's EU integration since the country's independence. The results show that the levels of Western Linkage have been high but also have developed positively since 2008. In addition, the results show that the levels of Western Leverage have been high since 2008. Thus it appears that the EU has used different governance methods in order to lead Kosovo to an increased democratization. This study also concludes that the EU can be seen as an important, normative actor for Kosovo during the negotiation process according to the theory Normative Power Europe.

This graduate thesis analyses the EU security policy towards the Maghreb between 2005 and 2010. It does so in order to ascertain to what extent the level of practical policy corresponds with the level of declarations. Also, by using the promotion of democratic governance in the Maghreb countries under the ENP as s case study, the thesis means to challenge the proposition that European Union can be described as a 'Normative Power'. First chapter briefly presents the concept of 'Normative Power Europe'. Following section looks at the European Security Strategy and localizes the primary position of the goal of democracy promotion in the document. Third part gives an overview of the European policy towards the Mediterranean under which EU relations with the Maghreb have been framed. Most attention is paid to the European Neighbourhood Policy. Next chapter examines the level of practical EU policy. It consists of three separate case studies of European policy towards Tunisia, Morocco and Libya between 2005 and 2010. The fifth and final part qualitatively analyses the way four factors (trade, energy, migration and terrorism) contributed to the structuring of relations of Tunisia, Morocco and Libya with Spain, France and Italy. The thesis arrives at the conclusion that while at the declaratory level the EU strives...

The purpose of the study was to examine how the EU's ambition is to diffuse norms, as a normative power, within the instrument Pre-accession Assistance II during 2014-2020 in the region of the Western Balkans. The study was conducted with a qualitative theory-consuming case study together with a theoretical framework by Tuomas Forsberg (2011) which is based on the theory of Normative Power Europe. The results of the study showed that the EU has high ambitions to spread the Union's fundamental values through IPA II to the Western Balkans.

[pt] O presente trabalho se desdobra através do dentro/ fora da União Europeia (UE) perguntando que poder existe na narrativa de poder normativo? E o que essa narrativa faz com a UE? Essas questões são investigadas movendo o foco de análise para perceber em que extensão e de que maneiras as relações com Outros afetam a identidade da UE. Considerando que o Poder Normativo Europeu (PNE) é o elo entre a segurança ontológica da UE e sua política externa, ele não pode ser pensado independentemente do Outro. A tese oferece uma teorização dos mecanismos de difusão e posterior operacionalização de uma perspectiva dialógica que endogeneiza o Outro desde o início. Recepção de normas é, portanto, parte integrante da análise de difusão. Posteriormente, a tese recria diferentes processos de difusão a partir do PNE como política externa para observar o argumento condutor de que, quando os Outros são integralizados à análise, dois dilemas do PNE despontam, um político e outro, mais profundo, ontológico. Um primeiro dilema é político: se o PNE enfrenta resistência, ou ele a anula, minando assim seu status de um tipo distinto de política externa; ou não, e então não alcança seu objetivo de difusão de normas. Mas um dilema mais profundo está ligado ao fato de que o PNE não é apenas uma política externa: é também um componente central do projeto de identidade da UE. Mesmo se as normas forem difundidas e as políticas convergirem, o PNE pode não ser reconhecido como a identidade superior na qual a ordem internacional deve se espelhar. Dito isto, se a UE tomar conhecimento do seu não reconhecimento, ela é posta diante de ver isto como uma aberração que será remediada ao longo do tempo, ou como uma potencial ameaça à sua segurança ontológica. Ela, portanto, paralisa e não consegue alterar sua abordagem. Como resultado, o PNE como política externa pode, mesmo que seja bem-sucedido, prejudicar seu projeto de identidade; e o PNE como projeto de identidade pode minar sua política externa exatamente quando sua tendência a ver-se confirmado ao encontrar o Outro prejudica seu reconhecimento externo. Empiricamente, o dilema ontológico é observado em um caso de cooperação para o desenvolvimento, o Programa entre a UE e a Comunidade de Estados Latino-Americanos e Caribenhos (CELAC) sobre Políticas de Drogas (COPOLAD), iniciado em 2011 e renovado em 2016. O dilema político, por sua vez, é observado em um caso de resistência, a busca pelo acesso global a medicamentos que provocou intensa polarização e divergências entre a UE e o Brasil no âmbito multilateral em 2008-2009, com desenvolvimentos até 2016. A tese constrói uma teoria e desenvolve hipóteses conectadas aos dilemas do PNE, integrando seriamente o Outro em uma abordagem dialógica aos dois casos paradigmáticos. A abordagem explora a presença de diferenças, contestação e assimetrias de poder em trajetos processuais que resultam em um dos dois dilemas. A maioria dos estudos que abordam o exercício do poder normativo da UE como política externa lidam com casos de Europeização entre os Estados membros da UE, candidatos e países vizinhos. Esse cenário pode conduzir a um problema tanto para a estabilização da identidade política da UE quanto para o sucesso de sua política externa, uma vez que países distantes das suas fronteiras provavelmente desafiam o discurso de excepcionalidade e caráter distinto da UE. Estudos Europeus e a própria UE, por sua vez, não lançaram luz sobre esse problema até meados dos anos 2000. Em contrapartida, esta tese contribui para a agenda de pesquisa sobre difusão de normas e governança externa da UE em duas frentes principais: 1) oferecendo um quadro teórico para analisar o PNE como política externa, proponho que nosso entendimento é atualmente insuficiente para compreender dilemas que têm a ver com a forma como o PNE deve funcionar; 2) operacionaliza uma abordagem dialógica dos estudos de caso que revelam a política de recepção de normas, considerando os Outros como parte / [en] The present work looks across European Union s inside/outside by asking what power is there in a normative power narrative? And what does this narrative do to the EU? These questions are investigated by moving the focus of analysis to see to what extent and in which ways relationships set up with Others beyond Europe affect the EU political identity. Considering that NPE is the link between the EU s ontological security and its foreign policy, it cannot be thought independently of the Other. At first, the thesis offers a theorization of mechanisms of diffusion and subsequently operationalization in a dialogic perspective that endogeneize the Other from the onset. Norm reception is thus integral part of the diffusion analysis. At second, it recreates different processes of diffusion starting from NPE as foreign policy to observe the driving argument that, when the Others are endogeneized, two dilemmas of NPE arise, one political and another, more profound one, ontological. A first dilemma is political: If NPE faces resistance, it either overrules it thereby undermining its status of a different type of foreign policy; or it does not, and then does not succeed in its aim of norm diffusion. But a more profound dilemma is connected to the fact that NPE is not just a foreign policy: it is also a central component of the EU s identity project. Even if norms are diffused and policies converge, NPE may not be recognized as the superior identity to which the international order should strive. This said, if the EU becomes aware of its non-recognition, it is put before either seeing this as an aberration that will be remedied over time, or as a potential threat to its ontological security. It is hence stuck and cannot change its approach. As a result, NPE as a foreign policy can, even if successful, undermine its identity project; and NPE as identity politics can undermine its foreign policy exactly when its tendency to see itself confirmed when meeting the Other undermines its external recognition. Empirically, the ontological dilemma is observed in a case of development cooperation, the Programme between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean Countries (CELAC) on Drugs Policies (COPOLAD), which began in 2011 and was renewed in 2016. And the political dilemma is observed in a case of resistance, the quest of global access to medicines that provoked intense polarization and divergences between the EU and Brazil at the multilateral level in 2008-2009, with further developments until 2016. The thesis builds a theory and develops hypotheses connected to the NPE dilemma, seriously integrating the Other in a dialogic approach to the two paradigmatic cases. The approach explores the role of difference, contestation and power asymmetries in processual paths that end up in either of the two dilemma. Most studies that address the exercising of NPE as foreign policy tackle cases of Europeanization among EU Member States, candidates and neighboring countries. This scenario may lead to a consequent problem for both the stabilization of the EU political identity and success of foreign policy, since countries far from its borders are likely to challenge EU s discourse of exceptionalism and distinctiveness. European Studies and the EU itself did not shed light on this problem until mid-2000s. By contrast, this thesis contributes to the research agenda of norms diffusion and EU external governance on two main fronts: 1) offering a theoretical framework to analyze NPE as foreign policy, I propose that our understanding is currently insufficient to grasp dilemmas that have to do with how NPE should work; 2) it operationalizes a dialogic approach to the case studies that reveal the politics of norm reception, considering the Others as part of a fruitful communication with the EU, and not as passive receivers of NPE. Politically, it is relevant for the EU to make the NPE as a strategy coincide with its discourse on norms and principles, reducing the creation of stereotypes like double standards. In addition, to embody the Others in