Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2015-10-29T15:42:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Flávia Rezende Campos - 2015.pdf: 3602795 bytes, checksum: 5b5419d996696ede1c747e72f4979994 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-11-03T14:13:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Flávia Rezende Campos - 2015.pdf: 3602795 bytes, checksum: 5b5419d996696ede1c747e72f4979994 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-03T14:13:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Flávia Rezende Campos - 2015.pdf: 3602795 bytes, checksum: 5b5419d996696ede1c747e72f4979994 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-12 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The transport infrastructure plays a key role in the economic development process of countries. Throughout history, the modernization of transport promoted numerous economic advances and the integration of global territories, like the railways. In Brazil, the regional rail systems fulfill their role in the flow of primary products in the early twentieth century, with few contributions to the unification of markets, especially the internal, showing weak capacity for coordination between regions. There was overlap between the highways in this process over the railways under national policy, in which the highways becomes a priority in the movement of goods and people. In view of the current logistical difficulties due to the increasing demand for transport products (agricultural and mining), planning for the development of projects on construction and revitalization of the railway has intensified, especially from Acceleration Program Growth. In this scenario, the North-South Railway, a project initiated in the 1980s, is presented as an attempt to promote the integration of the Brazilian territory from north to south, with a length of 4197 km. The aim of this study was to analyze the influence of the North-South Railway in regional development of Goiás, especially in the center and north of the state. Therefore, we examine the behavior of circulation networks (railways) brazilian and the role of actors in this process (State and private actors) over the decades as well as the formation of Goiás networks, especially the Estrada de Ferro Goiás and the BR-153, which were important in the insertion of Goiás economy in the national productive logic. Another aspect discussed in the research related to the influence of transport in industrial agglomerations in the light of Theories of Regional Development, comprising the dynamics of economic activity in space. Finally, we show the likely impacts of the North-South Railway in the development of municipalities in the north-central Goiás from the variables product, income, employment and tax revenues. The methodological procedures based on literature for theoretical and empirical foundation, desk research and field work in municipalities that are crossed by the North-South Railway in Goiás. Descriptive analyzes of the data were performed and the measurement of the economic impacts of the North-South Railway by econometric approach. The results showed an increase in the variables listed in railway construction period in Goiás and favorable estimates when in operation, with reference to the Tocantins municipalities where the the North-South Railway is working. What is expected is that the North-South Railway is an important element in Goiás regional development towards its productive integration with relevant municipal impacts on its population. / A infraestrutura de transporte desempenha papel fundamental no processo de desenvolvimento econômico dos países. Ao longo da história, a modernização dos meios de transporte promoveu inúmeros avanços econômicos e a integração dos territórios em nível global, a exemplo das ferrovias. No Brasil, os sistemas ferroviários regionais cumpriram o seu papel no escoamento dos produtos primários no início do século XX, com pouca contribuição na unificação dos mercados, sobretudo o interno, mostrando frágil capacidade de articulação entre as regiões. Houve a sobreposição das rodovias neste processo em detrimento às ferrovias no âmbito da política nacional, em que o rodoviarismo passa a ser prioridade na circulação de mercadorias e pessoas. Em face às dificuldades logísticas atuais decorrentes das demandas cada vez maiores por transporte de produtos (agrícolas e minérios), o planejamento para a definição de projetos quanto à construção e revitalização da malha ferroviária tem-se intensificado, especialmente a partir do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento (PAC). Neste cenário, a Ferrovia Norte-Sul (FNS), projeto iniciado na década de 1980, apresenta-se como uma tentativa de promover a integração do território brasileiro de norte a sul, com uma extensão de 4.197 quilômetros. O objetivo geral deste trabalho foi analisar a influência da FNS no desenvolvimento regional do território goiano, especialmente no centro e norte do estado. Para tanto, examinamos o comportamento das redes de circulação (ferrovias) brasileiras e o papel dos atores neste processo (Estado e agentes privados) ao longo das décadas, bem como a formação das redes goianas, com destaque para a Estrada de Ferro Goiás e a BR-153, que foram fundamentais na inserção da economia goiana na lógica produtiva nacional. Outro aspecto discutido na pesquisa relaciona-se à influência dos transportes nas aglomerações produtivas à luz das Teorias do Desenvolvimento Regional, compreendendo a dinâmica da atividade econômica no espaço. Por fim, mostramos os prováveis impactos da FNS no desenvolvimento dos municípios do centro-norte goiano a partir das variáveis produto, renda, emprego e arrecadação tributária. Os procedimentos metodológicos basearam em pesquisa bibliográfica para a fundamentação teórica e empírica, pesquisa documental e trabalhos de campo em municípios que são cruzados pela FNS em Goiás. Foram realizadas análises descritivas dos dados e a mensuração dos impactos econômicos da FNS pela abordagem econométrica. Os resultados apontaram para um crescimento nas variáveis indicadas no período de construção da ferrovia em território goiano, bem como estimativas favoráveis quando estiver em operação, tendo como referência os municípios tocantinenses, onde a FNS está funcionando. O que se espera é que a FNS seja um elemento importante no desenvolvimento regional goiano no sentido da sua integração produtiva, com impactos municipais relevantes para a sua população.

Submitted by Leda Lopes (ledacplopes@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-10T11:59:04Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T19:24:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T19:26:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-10T19:26:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruna_Cavallari_ Dissertação.pdf: 1150900 bytes, checksum: 8338685846dae5d0d61b1adb5abb5576 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-23 / O fim da Guerra Fria trouxe mudanças na agenda da segurança internacional: escoamento de armas do Norte para o Sul Global, o surgimento das Novas Guerras, o fortalecimento dos Direitos Humanos, o aumento do número de democracias formais e um novo tipo de intervencionismo. Diante de questionamentos empíricos e teóricos diante de crises humanitárias de grandes proporções, a comunidade internacional foi instigada a encontrar uma harmonização entre os conceitos de soberania e Direitos Humanos. Assim, o preceito da “Responsabilidade de Proteger” surgiu e ganhou relevância na agenda de segurança internacional e nos meios políticos e acadêmicos. O objeto desta dissertação, portanto, configura-se para além de uma ideia teórica e normativa, operando concretamente no ambiente internacional através das intervenções humanitárias. Desta forma, questiona-se em que medida a sub-agenda da “Responsabilidade de Proteger” reflete as relações geopolíticas entre o Norte e o Sul Global, entre os anos 2005 e 2015. Compreendendo esta divisão Norte/Sul para além de aspectos somente geográficos e, considerando a complexidade do sistema internacional frente a classificações e divisões demonstrou-se que a “Responsabilidade de Proteger” trouxe pouca inovação prática ao cenário internacional e perpetua as assimetrias de poder entre o Norte e o Sul Global. / The end of the Cold War brought changes in the agenda of international security: flow of weapons North to the Global South, the emergence of the New Wars, the strengthening of human rights, increasing the number of formal democracies and a new type of interventionism. In the face of empirical and theoretical questions facing humanitarian crisis of major proportions, the international community was instigated to find a compromise between the concepts of sovereignty and human rights. Thus the precept of "Responsibility to Protect" emerged and gained relevance in the international security agenda and political and academic circles. The object of this paper therefore sets itself apart from a theoretical idea and rules, operating specifically in the international environment through humanitarian interventions. Thus, we question to what extent the sub-agenda of "Responsibility to Protect" reflects geopolitical relations between the North and the Global South, between 2005 and 2015. Understanding this North / South divide beyond only geographical aspects and considering the complexity of the international system against classifications and divisions demonstrated that the "Responsibility to Protect" brought little practical innovation to the international scene and perpetuates the power asymmetries between the North and the Global South

The content of this thesis is an analysis of North-South regionalism within the American continent. Specifically, the approach of the United States as a representative of developed countries and Latin American countries as representative of developing countries to the liberalization of mutual economic relations. Chapter one deals with the issue of North-South regionalism and approaches of the most developed countries to this type of liberalization. Chapter two analyses the attitude of the U.S. and Latin American to the liberalization of their relations. Chapter three describes the approaches of concrete Latin American countries (Chile, Venezuela, Brazil) with respect to their different economic and business strategies applied in their foreign policy.

Southern women’s greater autonomy versus northern women’s more traditional submission to the husband were hypothesized in 1984 to explain variations in Peruvian women’s fertility desires. An analysis of data from Peru 2004-2008 Continuous Demographic and Family Health Survey supports this hypothesis by showing a significant north-to-south growth of women’s control upon husband’s income and, less consistently, household purchasing decisions. These relationships are not explained by variables also correlated with meridionality, such as aboriginal ethnicity, women’s material/informational power, age difference with the husband’s, or working for cash. Findings suggest new hypotheses, concerning the distribution of assertiveness and warmth in the Peruvian territory. / Mayor autonomía de la mujer sureña versus mayor sometimiento tradicional al marido por la norteña fueron conjeturados en 1984 para explicar variaciones en el deseo fecundatorio de las mujeres peruanas. Un análisis de datos de la Encuesta Demográfica y de Salud Familiar Continua Perú 2004-2008 apoya esta hipótesis al revelar un crecimiento significativo de norte a sur del control de la mujer sobre el ingreso del cónyuge y, menos consistentemente, las decisiones adquisitivas hogareñas. Estas relaciones no son explicadas por variables correlacionadas, como la etnicidad indígena, poder material/informacional de la mujer, diferencia de edad con el marido, o que trabaje por dinero. Los hallazgos sugieren nuevas hipótesis, sobre la distribución de la asertividad y la calidez en el territorio peruano.

This study addresses the issue of how discourses around Artificial Intelligence have been presentedin national media. To explore this topic, I analyze news articles to identify narratives and imaginariesthat contribute to building the concept of AI from a North-South perspective. To attempt toanswer these questions, I have selected two different countries to gather the data from, one in theGlobal North (Sweden) and one in the Global South (Chile). However, both are located in thesame “Large/Medium” cluster when combining land area and population.Drawing on data collected from 103 news articles, I found that in both cases, AI is presented asa positive tool for the development of local and global economies. Furthermore, AI is seen asdriving the creation of exciting and disruptive businesses. However, my analysis shows that thereis uncertainty about the future of the current status quo, both regarding the labor market and thecurrent geopolitical power balance if China were to win the so-called ‘AI race.’The data was coded and analyzed using a combination of critical discourse analysis and a dataextractivism and the approach introduced by Sheila Jasanoff, the sociotechnical imaginaries. Theseperspectives can help to understand the relations between scientific and technological projects,and political institutions and power. Throughout the sample, the hegemonic (dominant) voice prevailedthrough discussions of the economy having a particular North-centric representation.This is important to explore as it can shed light on whether this new technology is to providereal opportunities or if it is replicating the power relations of the globalized world. In this sense,the study also criticizes the sociotechnological imaginaries since, despite the fact that they proposea local view of power relations, they confirm that technological developments are often subject toglobal, political and corporate planning, regardless of the particular reality of each country.

No description available.

Despite the voluminous literature on North-South macroeconomic interactions and the key role of terms of trade variations in growth transmission from one region to another, a significant research gap persists for two reasons. First, there has been very little empirical work on testing of the relationships between growth patterns and terms of trade movements. Second, the empirical studies dedicated to testing the Prebisch-Singer Thesis (PST) focused on testing the long-run tendency for the terms of trade of primary commodities to deteriorate and neglected the joint nature of the predictions arising out of a complete formulation of PST. This dissertation seeks to properly specify the PST, provide a generalization of it to the case of imbalanced trade, and extend it to a three-region framework through a structuralist North-South model. Multiple paths of growth divergence/convergence and terms of trade deterioration/improvement emerge depending on the structural changes influencing the income-elasticity differentials. I carry out two sets of empirical analyses. First, I use aggregate data on North-South terms of trade indices to test the presence and significance of a downward trend. Second, I use panel data analysis and rolling regressions to show the evolution of income-elasticity differentials. The results suggest that the growth rates of developing countries during the 1980s declined in both absolute and relative terms partly as a result of the downward trend in terms of trade and partly as a result of income elasticity differentials reflecting the productive and technological asymmetries between the developed and developing economies. However, these structural asymmetries have not remained constant: the results show that they changed both over time and over cross-sections of different groups of countries. In general the countries that diversified towards manufactured exports had better chances of eliminating the elasticity differentials, and thus attaining relatively higher rates of growth. The cross-country study is complemented by a comparative case study of Turkey and Malaysia. The results show that industrial and trade policies, if carefully designed and effectively implemented, can counter potential costs of external market dynamics while taking advantage of the opportunities for advancing dynamic comparative advantages.

Within the contemporary international order, deep structural inequalities coexist alongside a nominally pluralistic society of states that grants international personality to politically organised communities. Asymmetric interactions between distinct political communities have shaped the development of the international system from the colonial era to the present phase of global economic integration. Rising interdependence, problems of unequal development and the democratic mobilisation of peoples around the world have generated moral claims regarding the injustice of global inequality. In this context the international politics of inequality have taken the format of challenges by the political representatives of the global South to the dominance of the advanced industrialised North. The normative dimensions of this process can be understood through a focus on this process of political argument between unequals. Political argument is contestation over the principles appropriate to govern a sphere of social interaction. The thesis seeks to vindicate the notion that the challenges by the global South have given rise to a dynamic of political argument within a norm-governed international society. Changes in patterns of normative belief, material power and forms of political organisation have historically shaped North-South relations. Therefore, through the analysis of particular episodes of North-South argument, the thesis attempts to provide insights into the moral limits and possibilities of an evolving international society. Analysing the organised attempts to challenge inequality on the part of the representatives of the global South, the thesis seeks to advance the position the tensions generated by claims over inequality might provide the nucleus for the incorporation of egalitarian concerns into the operation of international society. Through participation in common practices of statehood, the peoples of the global South possess at least some ability to challenge structural inequalities and thus the potential to expand the moral limits of international society.

Les échanges commerciaux de denrées alimentaires entre l'Union européenne et les Etats Subsahariens sont en constante augmentation et sont encadrés par les grands principes du droit alimentaire européen, composante du droit de la consommation. Ces grands principes énoncent des règles d'information des consommateurs, de sécurité, de conformité et de traçabilité des produits alimentaires qui doivent être respectés par toutes les parties prenantes du secteur agroalimentaire et des ses filières. C'est donc une masse importante de règles internationales, communautaires européennes qui se combinent aux textes nationaux. Les exportateurs/importateurs au sein de la Communauté, et les professionnels des pays tiers, mettent en œuvre ces règles dans les contrats de vente internationales des denrées. Les problèmes de santé et de sécurité sont posés par les consommateurs inquiets de leur protection. Mais les producteurs seront attentifs à l'évolution des règles qui protègent les consommateurs car elles conditionnent les activités de production, de transformation de transport, de stockage et de commercialisation. Certes, l'Afrique subsaharienne occupe une place faible dans le commerce mondial, mais son importance dans les échanges avec le continent européen, reste un facteur d'encouragement de la production des produits africains commercialisables. A cet effet, les pays subsahariens ne peuvent plus se contenter d'une réglementation locale, inadaptée, bien lacunaire et peu effective, au regard de l'importance des solutions aux questions sanitaires alimentaires dans le cadre du commerce mondial. D'ailleurs les importateurs européens imposent, contractuellement, à leurs partenaires africains le respect des impératifs sanitaires européens sans lesquels ils ne pourraient mettre les aliments importés en circulation en Europe. La thèse met en évidence un impératif de modernisation des instruments juridiques et institutionnels en Afrique subsaharienne. La place que prennent désormais les normes, quelles qu'en soient les différentes variantes est, à cet égard, très instructive. Les normes permettent aux producteurs et exportateurs des pays en développement de raccourcir les opérations complexes de compréhension des textes impératifs et des principes techniques et managériaux très modernes. / Food trade between EU and Sub-Saharans, are permanently increasing. This trade is surrounded by some food Law major principles, part of consumer Law. These main principles, deal with: safety, information, conformity, traceability, of food stuffs which have to be respected by all stakeholders in the agro-food business. This huge amount of legal instruments (international, European,) has to be mixed with the local regulations. These rules are used in the frame of the international contracts of importing food. Health and safety questions are a strong demand from consumers. But producers are paying much attention to the evolution of this corpus of rules of consumer protection, as far as they influence production, transformation, transport, storage, and distribution .Of course sub,-Saharan countries occupy a small part of international food trade, but it remains an important partner of EU, and this is an important encouragement mean to develop African production of foodstuffs. African countries cannot anymore apply their local and obsolete regulations, unefficient and lacking with global trade. In fact, European importers stress, by the terms of their contracts, imposed to the African partners, to respecting European sanitary rules. Otherwise they could not put the imported goods into circulation on the EU market. The thesis shows the necessity to up to date legal instruments in Africa . In particular the standards (official and private standards) will be very efficient for helping producers and exporters from developing countries to understand the constraints of mandatory rules, and their technical consequences in terms of modern production and management processes.

Les partenariats entre ONG du Nord et du Sud sont souvent considérés comme étant des relationsasymétriques entre deux types d’organisations aux caractéristiques fortement contrastées. Pour réelleque soit la nature de ces rapports, le recours à l’histoire des relations entre pays développés et sousdéveloppéset, dans certains cas, entre ex-colonisateurs et colonisés comme seule grille de lecture favorise une interprétation en termes de domination. Ainsi, des décisions provenant des ONG du Nord seraient imposées aux organisations du Sud qui, pour continuer à bénéficier des financements nécessaires pour leurs actions, se verraient contraintes de s’y conformer. Il semblerait, cependant, que cette façon de lire les relations interorganisationnelles Nord-Sud, dans le champ de la solidarité internationale, soit plutôt limitative et ne rende que très partiellement compte de la réalité de ces rapports. En effet, en adoptant une posture théorique comme celle proposée par l’approche stratégique des acteurs où le pouvoir est considéré comme une relation négociée au regard des objectifs et contraintes des différentes parties, les comportements des ONGimpliquées dans les partenariats devraient pouvoir être lus comme relevant d’un ensemble de « jeux » visant l’acquisition ou le renforcement d’une certaine légitimité qui leur garantit l’accès aux ressources. Dans cette logique, le modèle basé sur le recrutement de cabinets de consultants comme tierce partie dans les relations, souvent dyadiques, entre ONG du Nord et du Sud, devra être interprété au-delà de la simple manifestation de la domination des premières sur les secondes. En s’appuyant sur le cas des partenariats de Brücke·Le pont (Suisse), EED et Pain pour le Monde (Allemagne) au Togo, cette thèse met l’accent sur les besoins pratiques auxquels répond ce modèle et montre l’écart entre les comportements prescrits et ceux réellement adoptés par les acteurs, reflet des stratégies des uns et des autres en fonction de leurs enjeux / Partnerships between northern and southern NGOs used to be considered as asymmetric relations between two different types of organizations with many contrasting characteristics. As real as it can be, referring to the traditional relations between developed and developing countries or countries linked by colonization relations as the one best way to explain the nature of those interorganizational relations may induct a wrong interpretation. Indeed, in that perspective, their relations can only be read such as signs of domination. However, this way of reading the North-South inter-organizational partnerships is a limited andpartial point of view. But using theoretical approaches such as those proposed by the actor’s strategy analysis where power is considered as a negotiated relationship according to the constraints and challenges of the different organizations, these relations can be differently read. For example they can be interpreted as a set of strategies which aim to acquire or strengthen legitimacy which is such a guarantee for their projects and organizations to be funded. In this way, the model which consist in recruiting consultants as a third party in the partnerships between northern and southern, NGOs has to be interpreted more than a simple sign of domination. Based on the case of study of three European NGO’s partners in Togo, this thesis focuses on thepractical needs met by this model and shows the difference between behaviours prescribed and those actually adopted by the actors, reflecting the strategies of each other according to their stakes.