A detailed empirical case study of the motivations of the major objecting group participants at the Hinkley Point "C" Public Inquiry is set in the context of an analysis of the transitions caused to the UK nuclear power policy sector by the privatisation of the ESI. First, historical comparative analysis of the nuclear power policy sectors of the USA, Canada, France and the FRG shows a positive correlation between corporatism and successful implementation of policy, and this is borne out by the case of the UK. It is concluded that a fully developed corporatist policy sector, its authority unchallenged by other systems of representation, will usually be a necessary condition for a successful nuclear programme. The failure to privatise the CEGB nuclear power stations is accounted for in terms of a model of the conflicting aims of the privatisation of monopolistic industries. Second, analysis of interview data gathered during Hinkley "C" Inquiry with major group participants is used, in the context of the model of the policy sector developed earlier, to account for the apparent discrepancy between the allocation of resources by opposition groups to the Hinkley "C" Inquiry and their meagre expectations of rewards from the formal, internal Inquiry processes. It is concluded that: 1. Although groups claimed to be pursuing strategies that were external to the Inquiry process, the nature of the Inquiry limited the success of this approach. 2. The representatives of groups interviewed displayed ambivalence, simultaneously believing participation was worthwhile and that the Inquiry was a sham. 3. Groups' most successful tactic was that of delay through mass objection and participation. The sensitivity of policy implementation to the institutional structure of the policy sector will be of considerable importance to the Government review of the prospects for nuclear power in 1994.

The U.S. has implemented a two-track nuclear policy since the Cold War. The first track is non-proliferation and the second track involves securing all nuclear materials. The two-track nuclear policy has been effective, but at times non-proliferation efforts are contradicted by the US supporting nuclear programs by securing nuclear materials. The current greatest threat to nuclear security is the acquisition of nuclear materials by an extremist or terrorist organization. Can the US combat the current growing threat of loose nukes with the two-track policy? / text

The nuclear power sector has a history of challenges with its relative competitiveness against other forms of electricity generation. The availability of low cost low natural gas, the Fukushima accident, and the cancellation of the AP1000 V.C. Summer project has caused a considerable role in ending the short lived “Nuclear Renaissance.” Historically, the nuclear industry has focused on direct cost reduction through construction, increasing installed capacity, and improving efficiencies to capacity factors in the 1990s and 2000s as ways to maintain competitiveness against other forms of energy generation. With renewables serving as an emerging low-carbon competitor, an added focus needs to be placed on indirect methods to increase the competitiveness of nuclear power. This thesis focuses on establishing pathways where nuclear power can be competitive with other forms of electricity generation given its advantages environmentally with Small Modular Reactors (SMRs), socioeconomically with legacy nuclear power plants, and through passive safety with SMRs. In Chapter 2, I estimate the life cycle GHG emissions and examine the cost of carbon abatement when nuclear is used to replace fossil fuels for the Westinghouse SMR (W-SMR) and AP1000. I created LCA models using past literature and Monte Carlo simulation to estimate the mean (and 90% confidence interval) life cycle GHG emissions of the W-SMR to be 7.4 g of CO2-eq/kwh (4.5 to 11.3 g of CO2-eq/kwh) and the AP1000 to be 7.6 g of CO2-eq/kwh (5.0 to 11.3 g of CO2-eq/kwh). Within the analysis I find that the estimated cost of carbon abatement with an AP1000 against coal and natural gas is $2/tonne of CO2-eq (-$13 to $26/tonne of CO2-eq) and $35/tonne of CO2-eq ($3 to $86/tonne of CO2-eq), respectively. In comparison, a W-SMR the cost of carbon abatement against coal and natural gas is $3/tonne of CO2- eq (-$15 to $28/tonne of CO2-eq) and $37/tonne of CO2-eq (-$1 to $90/tonne of CO2-eq), respectively. I conclude, with the exception of hydropower, the Westinghouse SMR design and the AP1000 have a smaller footprint than all other generation technologies including renewables. Assigning a cost to carbon for natural gas plant or implementing zero-emission incentives can improve the economic competitiveness of nuclear power through environmental competitiveness. The retirement of small and medium-scale coal power plants due the availability of natural gas can provide an opportunity for SMRs to replace that missing capacity. This trade-off between higher costs but lower GHG emissions demonstrates that depending on the value placed on carbon, SMR technology could be economically competitive with fossil fuel technologies Following my environmental competitiveness analysis, I shift towards investigating socioeconomic competitiveness of legacy large scale nuclear power plants compared to baseload coal and natural gas plants. In Chapter 3, I utilize ANOVA models, Tukey’s, and t-tests to explore the socioeconomic characteristics and disparities that exist within counties and communities that contain baseload power plants. My results indicate, relative to the home counties of nuclear plants, communities closer to nuclear plants have higher home values and incomes than those further away. Conversely, communities near coal and natural gas have incomes and home values that increase with distance from the plant. Communities near coal plants are typically either in less wealthy parts of the county or have a similar socioeconomic makeup as county. It can be suggested that equity issues regarding the community characteristics could be included in the discussion of converting existing power plants to use other fuel sources. Communities near power plants are not created equally and have different needs. While communities near nuclear power plants may benefit from the added tax base and absence of emissions, this is not the case for communities near coal and natural gas. With the impending retirement of large scale coal plants, the conversion of these plants to natural gas or small modular reactors presents an opportunity where negative environmental externalities can be reduced while also retaining some of the economic benefits. In Chapter 4, I present a model for estimating environmental dose exposure in a post-accident scenario to support scalable emergency planning zones (EPZs). The model includes calculating radionuclide inventory; estimating the impact decontamination factors from the AP1000, NUREG-6189, and EPRI’s Experimental Verification of Post-Accident iPWR Aerosol Behavior test will have on radioactivity within containment; and estimate dose exposure using atmospheric dispersion models. This work aims to compare historical decontamination factors with updated decontamination factors to outline the impact on containment radioactivity and dose exposure relative to the Environmental Protection Agency’s Protective Action Guide (PAG) limits. On average, I have found the AP1000, Surry, and iPWR produces 139, 153, and 104 curies/ft3 75 minutes after a LOCA. The iPWR produces less radioactivity per volume in containment than the AP1000 and Surry 84% and 96% of the time, respectively. The AP1000 produces less radioactivity per volume than Surry 68% of the time. On average, the AP1000, Surry, and iPWR produces 84,000, 106,000, and 7,000 curies/MWth 75 minutes after a LOCA. The lower bound 5 rem PAG limit is never exceeded for and does not exceeds the 1 rem lower PAG limit for whole body exposure at the 5-mile EPZ using the mean value. Considering this analysis uses a simple worst case Gaussian Plume model for atmospheric dispersion, the findings can be used to in conjunction with the State-of-the-Art Reactor Consequence Analyses (SOARCA) to provide accurate and realistic estimates for exposure. I believe this analysis can help to develop a regulatory basis for technology-neutral, risk-based approach to EPZs for iPWRs. Finally, in Chapter 5 I discuss historical challenges facing the nuclear industry, policy implications, and recommendations. These policy implications and recommendations serve as pathways to frame an new nuclear renaissance. I also recommend future work where I details opportunities for improvements to nuclear competitiveness. Ultimately, this thesis can help policy and decision makers that can improve competitiveness and minimize risk as it relates to the expansion of nuclear power sector.

Yes / This paper develops a novel approach to understanding North Korea's nuclear policy on the basis of conflict transformation theory. By conceptualizing the situation on the Korean peninsula as a protracted conflict (either between the DPRK and the Republic of Korea or North Korea and the United States), new insights into the nature of the protracted cycle of engagement and conflict with North Korea can be developed. In this context, the role and trajectory of the nuclear program can be analyzed and both the failure of and the need for arms control negotiations understood. The paper shows that the use of conflict transformation theory provides an analytically coherent explanation of North Korean security policy and foreign policy behavior that fits the empirical evidence more closely than alternative approaches. The paper assesses the current policy of "strategic patience" vis-à-vis North Korea and demonstrates how it is based on false assumptions and involves risks that need to be addressed by the United States and the international community. This paper presents a novel approach to analyzing the puzzle of North Korean foreign policy behavior with important implications for understanding the nature of the conflict and possible conditions for its resolution. / This article was originally published in North Korean Review, Vol. 13, No. 1 (2017), by McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers.

Yes

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, November, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

The New Zealand Labour Party's election victory on 14 July 1984 resulted in an official rejection of the global strategy of nuclear deterrence. This action was the most fundamental challenge to the defence relationship between New Zealand and the United States since the signing of the ANZUS Treaty on 1 September 1951. This thesis is concerned with the effect of Prime Minister David Lange's personality on the resulting dispute between the two nations. This qualitative study utilises a theoretical framework articulated by Margaret G. Hermann which seeks to demonstrate the relationship between the idiosyncratic characteristics of leaders and the foreign policy behaviour of their respective nations. In order to effectively conduct this study, a number of key individuals involved in various aspects of the ANZUS dispute were interviewed by this author. It should be noted that David Lange was seriously ill throughout the course of this study and was unable to be interviewed by the author. Sir Geoffrey Palmer declined to be interviewed for this study. Following the introductory chapter of this study, a review of the literature concerned with the analysis of leadership and personality is undertaken. The powers of the Prime Minister in the New Zealand political system are examined as are the events surrounding the execution of New Zealand's anti-nuclear policy and the ANZUS dispute. This thesis then assesses the effect of Lange's personality on the dispute through an examination of situational factors, and a variety of aspects of his personality. This thesis finds that Lange's personality was instrumental in determining the course of events in the ANZUS crisis. Furthermore, this study concludes that Hermann's theoretical framework is a useful tool in determining the effect of a leader's personality on a particular foreign policy outcome.

A vitória do Partido dos Trabalhadores nas eleições de 2002 proporcionou a ascensão de Lula à presidência da república e criou expectativas de mudanças significativas em grande parte da população brasileira. Os doze anos seguidos de governos de tendência neoliberal haviam causado o agravamento dos problemas sociais, a sujeição da economia brasileira aos interesses do capital financeiro internacional e uma política externa, em boa parte, atrelada aos interesses norte-americanos. A política nuclear, nesse período, representou um bom exemplo dessa submissão. No governo Lula houve a pretensão de se estabelecer um projeto que promovesse uma maior inserção do Brasil num sistema internacional em transformação, com o fim da Guerra Fria e o aparente declínio do poder norte-americano. Apesar da linha de continuidade com o governo anterior observada na política econômica de Lula, a política externa pareceu caminhar em outro sentido, mais independente e assertiva que a de Cardoso. Nesse contexto, de acordo com os formuladores da política do governo brasileiro, o uso da energia nuclear teria um importante papel a desenvolver. O país, como detentor da tecnologia de enriquecimento de urânio por ultracentrifugação, procurou utilizá-la como um instrumento para a sua ascensão no cenário mundial. Esta pesquisa pretende estudar as relações existentes entre a política externa brasileira e a retomada do programa nuclear na consecução desse projeto, assim como os seus limites numa ordem mundial em mutação, onde a energia nuclear permanecer como um importante instrumento de poder.

A vitória do Partido dos Trabalhadores nas eleições de 2002 proporcionou a ascensão de Lula à presidência da república e criou expectativas de mudanças significativas em grande parte da população brasileira. Os doze anos seguidos de governos de tendência neoliberal haviam causado o agravamento dos problemas sociais, a sujeição da economia brasileira aos interesses do capital financeiro internacional e uma política externa, em boa parte, atrelada aos interesses norte-americanos. A política nuclear, nesse período, representou um bom exemplo dessa submissão. No governo Lula houve a pretensão de se estabelecer um projeto que promovesse uma maior inserção do Brasil num sistema internacional em transformação, com o fim da Guerra Fria e o aparente declínio do poder norte-americano. Apesar da linha de continuidade com o governo anterior observada na política econômica de Lula, a política externa pareceu caminhar em outro sentido, mais independente e assertiva que a de Cardoso. Nesse contexto, de acordo com os formuladores da política do governo brasileiro, o uso da energia nuclear teria um importante papel a desenvolver. O país, como detentor da tecnologia de enriquecimento de urânio por ultracentrifugação, procurou utilizá-la como um instrumento para a sua ascensão no cenário mundial. Esta pesquisa pretende estudar as relações existentes entre a política externa brasileira e a retomada do programa nuclear na consecução desse projeto, assim como os seus limites numa ordem mundial em mutação, onde a energia nuclear permanecer como um importante instrumento de poder.