No description available.

No description available.

This thesis explores the multiple ways women’s capacity for political action was perceived, both by themselves as well as by others, in the early years of the French Revolution. By beginning with women’s journey to Versailles in the October Days of 1789 and concluding with the National Convention’s closure of all women’s political clubs in October 1793, this thesis will suggest that women perceived themselves politically and as viable revolutionary participants, but that these identifications were grounded in and shaped by hegemonic eighteenth-century gender norms, and often demonstrated continuity with their pre-revolutionary identities. In many cases, both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s appropriate political roles were influenced by idealized standards and gender norms, as exemplified by the fictitious character, Sophie, from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 treatise, Emile, or On Education. The ways women rationalized their political inclusion and situated themselves within the developing revolution demonstrate a sense of compromise with the same norms and ideals which were increasingly used to justify their complete exclusion from political life. Through stressing revolutionary ideals such as equality and unity and by underscoring the importance of their complementary revolutionary contributions, women presented a view of themselves as necessary and viable participants in revolutionary politics in a way that, by late October 1793, increasingly seemed to threaten established societal views on the appropriate boundaries of female political life. / Graduate / 2019-08-22

This study measures and compares the editorial reactions of ten Canadian metropolitan dailies to the FLQ kidnap crisis of 1970, and the specific, important events which occurred within the crisis. Besides comparing the editorial reactions of individual papers, the newspapers are also grouped by language (French and English) and by geographical location, to determine the effect of these two characteristics upon those reactions. The thesis is divided into four chapters, as follows: Methodology, an account of the crisis, the newspapers, and finally the presentation and analysis of the findings. The research method used is content analysis. Five categories are devised, into which are classified the editorial content of the newspapers analyzed. A frequency count method is used, with the theme as recording unit and the paragraph as context unit. Chapter two centers about a short account of the crisis and the selection of important events within the crisis which could be expected to have had some influence upon the editorial reactions of the papers. Chapter three consists of the selection of newspapers to be analyzed, of newspaper characteristics (language and location) which one might expect to have an effect upon editorial reactions, and finally of deferring editorial content for the purpose of this study. The presentation and analysis of findings (Chapter four) is subdivided into two parts-editorial reactions to the entire crisis and editorial reactions to important events within the crisis. It was found that the single greatest determinant of how a newspaper reacted editorially to the crisis was geographic allocation. The papers from Ontario and Quebec put considerable emphasis upon the dangers of excessive reaction by the authorities and upon the need for social reform as a solution to the crisis, whereas the papers from other regions were generally more concerned with the need for law and order. The French papers devoted more editorial space to the crisis than did the English papers but the nature of their reaction was generally similar to that of the English papers of Ontario and Quebec. The French papers greatly increased their editorial content about the crisis after the abduction of Pierre Laporte - the English papers only after the proclamation of the War Measures Act. Before the War Measures Act was proclaimed, all English papers had put a strong emphasis upon the need for law and order. After the proclamation, the English papers of Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa de-emphasized that issue. A summary of the more important findings of the study is presented as a concluding section of Chapter four. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto um debate que se desenvolveu durante o processo revolucionário russo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1928. Tal debate envolveu dois grupos: a Oposição de Esquerda, liderada por Leon Trotsky, e a Frente de Esquerda das Artes (LEF), movimento que aglutinou os artistas construtivistas. Ambos os grupos estavam interessados na reestruturação do modo de vida do proletariado russo como uma das dimensões do combate à burocratização do regime soviético e ao processo de modernização iniciado com a promulgação da Nova Política Econômica. A pesquisa examina, assim, as distintas posições e estratégias formuladas pela Oposição de Esquerda (e, posteriormente, Oposição Unificada) e pela LEF para o combate nos campos da cultura e do psiquismo. / This dissertation is about a debate that developed during the Russian revolutionary process, between the years 1923 and 1928. This debate involved two groups: the Left Opposition - led by Leon Trotsky - and the Left Front of Arts (LEF), a movement that brought the constructivist artists together. Both groups were interested in restructuring the way of life of the Russian proletariat as a crucial part of the fight against bureaucratization of the Soviet regime and the process of modernization, started with the enactment of the New Economic Politcy. The research thus examines the different positions and strategies formulated by the Left Opposition (and, later, the United Opposition) and the LEF for the combat in the fields of culture and psychism

This is a study of six women who lived in Britain during the early twentieth century. A mother and five daughters, they immigrated to Britain from Russia in 1909, and their letters provide a window into the lives of women during times of great strain and changes. The daughters attended school in Britain and expected to live a comfortable upper-class lifestyle funded by their family’s business in Russia. However, World War I and the February and October Revolutions in Russia made that future impossible. Instead the women became both military and civilian nurses, adopting professional careers and remaining unmarried. Their letters allow one to examine issues ranging from the cultural identities of émigrés and exiles to the effects of gender roles on life choices. This paper serves as a case study of their family, examining how larger political, social, and cultural events affected the practical and emotional facets of their lives. / text

A presente dissertação tem como objeto um debate que se desenvolveu durante o processo revolucionário russo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1928. Tal debate envolveu dois grupos: a Oposição de Esquerda, liderada por Leon Trotsky, e a Frente de Esquerda das Artes (LEF), movimento que aglutinou os artistas construtivistas. Ambos os grupos estavam interessados na reestruturação do modo de vida do proletariado russo como uma das dimensões do combate à burocratização do regime soviético e ao processo de modernização iniciado com a promulgação da Nova Política Econômica. A pesquisa examina, assim, as distintas posições e estratégias formuladas pela Oposição de Esquerda (e, posteriormente, Oposição Unificada) e pela LEF para o combate nos campos da cultura e do psiquismo. / This dissertation is about a debate that developed during the Russian revolutionary process, between the years 1923 and 1928. This debate involved two groups: the Left Opposition - led by Leon Trotsky - and the Left Front of Arts (LEF), a movement that brought the constructivist artists together. Both groups were interested in restructuring the way of life of the Russian proletariat as a crucial part of the fight against bureaucratization of the Soviet regime and the process of modernization, started with the enactment of the New Economic Politcy. The research thus examines the different positions and strategies formulated by the Left Opposition (and, later, the United Opposition) and the LEF for the combat in the fields of culture and psychism

The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how sectarian tensions can be harnessed, nourished and spread in Lebanon. It does so through a case study on the speech delivered by Hezbollah’s Secretary-General, Hassan Nasrallah, on 18 October 2021, where he accused the Christian party, and former militia, the Lebanese Forces for killing seven Shia Muslims in a protest four days earlier. More specifically, this thesis is a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis with the aim to examine how we can understand the discourse on Christians and how that discourse is shaped through Nasrallah’s framing of himself, Hezbollah and the Lebanese Forces. With conspiracist elements, Nasrallah creates a dichotomy of us and them where them is the threat that also helps to define what is us. It is a highly polarizing speech, where he frames the Lebanese Forces as a political enemy and a threatful organization without morals that wants to sow division and create a civil war in Lebanon. In contrast, Nasrallah depicts Christians as part of a larger us that wants peace and stability. However, within the us, Christians are depicted as exposed, vulnerable and in need of protection which stands in contrast to Hezbollah that is immensely strong and can protect Christians. Meanwhile, he encourages and mobilizes Christians to act against the Lebanese Forces. Thus, despite a rhetoric about unity among Christians and Muslims, the main finding of this thesis is that Nasrallah seeks support from Christians by spurring sectarian tensions and sowing division within the Christian camp, with the goal to gain power.

In 1969, Richard M. Nixon became the thirty-seventh President of the United States. He brought with him an aggressive foreign policy aimed at retarding the escalating Cold War and ending America's war with Vietnam. In his inaugural address, he exclaimed that under his leadership the United States was going to enter an era of negotiation, leaving the age of confrontation behind. Determined to create a structure of peace around the world, Nixon and his administration fashioned a policy to reflect their goals. This study seeks to understand why the Nixon administration allowed the Middle East to fall into the peripheries of their foreign policy. A conflict as devastating as the October War was certainly the kind of incident Nixon and his advisors wished to avoid. Between the years of 1969 and 1973, they worked tirelessly in the Middle East and around the globe to secure a more hospitable international climate; so why, despite their efforts, did the Arab-Israeli conflict spiral so devastatingly out of control?