Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:50:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 bertochi_af_me_mar.pdf: 465608 bytes, checksum: 44078e06f2f629c4b5610084283ddb80 (MD5) / Esta pesquisa objetiva resgatar a formação teórica e política do comunista de esquerda Nikolai Ivanovitch Bukhárin, por meio da análise de suas obras, como da consulta às obras de Lenin, de historiadores e de comentadores, visando a compreensão do processo de transicão direta ao comunismo na URSS, entre 1918-1921. Por meio de sua profícua produção política Bukhárin foi um dos teóricos bolcheviques que mais contribuiu, entre 1912 até 1921, ao lado de Lenin, para o aprofundamento das questões do imperialismo, do Estado e da transição, particularmente, da soviética, no interior das correntes marxistas contemporâneas. Foi a partir da elaboração de sua teoria sobre o imperialismo e, posteriormente, também da de Lenin, que se formaram, nas correntes marxistas contemporâneas, as concepções atuais que embasam a compreensão teórica do imperialismo e da globalização. Autor de teses originais e muito polêmicas, Bukhárin foi durante boa parte de sua vida membro e um dos líderes do grupo dos comunistas de esquerda, e esteve em frontal oposição às propostas e idéias de Lenin, em diversas circunstâncias. Porém, isso nunca foi motivo suficiente para provocar uma ruptura efetiva entre ambos. Mas, ao contrário, estes debates contribuíram muito para o amadurecimento do pensamento teórico destes dois importantes formuladores da primeira tentativa concreta de transição ao socialismo, buscada durante a constituição da URSS. / This research goals to redeem the left communist Nikolai Ivanovitch Bukhárin theoretical and politics education, analyzing his works and historians like Lenin, to understand the process of direct transition to the communism in URSS, between 1918 -1921. Bukharin was one of the bolcheviques theoretical who contributes between 1912 - 1921 by Lenin's side to imperialism and State questions, about present Marxism works. After his theory about imperialism (and also, after Lenin theory about the same subject), it raises present conceptions about imperialism and globalization. Author of polemics and originals thesis, he was member and leader of the left communist group and was against Lenin ideas many time. However, this thing was never a reason to break it other. On the contrary, these debates has a hand in rise of Lenin and Burkhárin theoretical think. Both of than were creators of first right tentative of the transition until socialism during the URSS constitution.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper proposes an analysis on the novel Pedro Páramo, by Juan Rulfo, in which elements such as the conception of future and past defended by Modernity, the allegorical construction and the work of mourning arise as central axis. Throughout four chapters we sought to answer the following question: How, in Pedro Páramo, the Mexican revolutionary process and future prospects arising from Modernity are expressed? In the first, based on authors like Carlos Fuentes, Alejo Carpentier, Jorge Alberto Vital and Ruffinelli, we linked the author, the work and the context of production in an attempt to apprehend the formation of the Mexican historical-social-economic reality. Also at this stage, we make some considerations about the processes of cultural encounters experienced by Mexico (since the arrival of the Spanish to the mexican revolution) in order to relate issues of modernity and the constitutive process of the novel studied. In the second chapter, we detailed the process of the narrative construction, associating the external to the internal elements in a process of entry and exit of the novel, adding the literary text to the Mexican political-historical-social context. Also, we used the concept of literary transculturation proposed by the Uruguayan critic Ángel Rama, who helped us understand the narrative structure of Rulfo s novel, especially in relation to the historical moment in which it was produced. In the third chapter, we approached the cultural elaboration of death in Mexico, in its condition as national totem. Furthermore, based on the studies developed by Walter Benjamin, Jürgen Habermas, Octavio Paz and Darcy Ribeiro, we related, to the narrative analyzed, Benjamin s concept of allegory and the temporal conception adopted in Modernity. In the fourth and final chapter, the writings of Theodor Adorno and Idelber Avelar helped us with concepts such as mourning, loss, defeat, tension - associated to negative dialectics - taking Pedro Páramo as an open system in which the tension leads to a conception of future that subverts the conception presented by Modernity: a future in ruins. The projection of a future in ruins turns active the past, the present and the future. In this light, the different narrative voices in Pedro Páramo are taken as different possibilities, singular and incomplete, which propose the revision of the constitution of the Great National Report of Mexico related to the Revolution, starting from the recognition of the past as heterogeneous and fragmented, breaking with the homogenizing and totalizing visions of history and taking diversity and opposition as positive aspects. / Este trabalho apresenta uma proposta de análise do romance Pedro Páramo, de Juan Rulfo, na qual a concepção de futuro e de passado defendida pela Modernidade, a construção alegórica e o trabalho de luto erigem-se como eixos centrais. Ao longo de quatro capítulos, buscamos responder a seguinte pergunta: Como, em Pedro Páramo, o processo revolucionário mexicano e a perspectiva de futuro decorrente da Modernidade estão expressos? No primeiro, os escritos de Carlos Fuentes, Alejo Carpentier, Alberto Vital e Jorge Ruffinelli nos ajudaram a relacionar o autor, a obra e o contexto de produção, na tentativa de apreender a formação da realidade histórico-social-econômica mexicana. Ainda nesta etapa, tecemos algumas considerações sobre os processos de encontros culturais vivenciados pelo México (desde a chegada dos espanhóis até a revolução mexicana) com o intuito de abarcarmos questões relativas à Modernidade e à constituição do romance estudado. No segundo capítulo, analisamos a construção da narrativa, associando os elementos externos aos internos em um processo de entrada e saída do romance, somando o texto literário ao contexto político-histórico-social mexicano. Também, empregamos o conceito de transculturação literária proposto pelo crítico uruguaio Ángel Rama, o qual nos ajudou a compreender a estrutura narrativa de Pedro Páramo, principalmente, face ao momento histórico em que foi produzida. No terceiro capítulo, a partir de autores como Claudio Lomnitz, Carlos Monsiváis e Octavio Paz, abordamos a elaboração cultural da morte no México, em sua condição de totem nacional. E, partindo dos estudos desenvolvidos por Walter Benjamin, Jürgen Habermas, Octavio Paz e Darcy Ribeiro, relacionamos ao romance analisado o conceito benjaminiano de alegoria e a concepção temporal moderna. No quarto e último capítulo, os escritos de Theodor Adorno e de Idelber Avelar auxiliaram-nos com conceitos como luto, perda, derrota, tensão - associados à dialética negativa , a partir dos quais tomamos Pedro Páramo como um sistema aberto no qual a tensão conduz para uma concepção de futuro que subverte a apresentada pela Modernidade: um futuro em ruínas. A projeção de um futuro de ruínas torna atuante tanto o passado quanto o presente e o futuro. Sob esse prisma, as distintas vozes narrativas de Pedro Páramo são possibilidades diversas, singulares e incompletas que propõem a revisão da constituição do grande relato nacional mexicano relacionado à revolução, partindo do reconhecimento do passado como heterogêneo e fragmentado, rompendo com as visões homogeneizantes e totalizantes da história e tomando a diversidade e a oposição como aspectos positivos.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The scope of this thesis is to contribute to the theoretical discussion about the emergence and the modes of operation of discourses overlapped by dominant or antagonist ideologies in Latin America. From the perspective of Discourse Analysis, initiated by the circle of intellectuals around Michel Pecheux in France in the decades of 1960-1970, a punctual analysis of the discourse of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) was undertaken. The EZLN is an armed movement which started in southern Mexico in 1994. However, it has been their announcements, letters, statements, the images of rebels wearing masks disseminated by the media which made it possible a national and international civil support and prevented the defeat of the Zapatistas by the counterinsurgency forces. The process of resistance-rebellion in the past sixteen years in the state of Chiapas allows the study of the modes of operation of antagonist discourses, dissymmetric in relation to the dominant ideology, in this early twenty-first century. The description and interpretation are focused on four issues that characterize the heterodoxy of the EZLN facing other counterhegemonic discourse in the last century: the Zapatista subject position in open rejection of individualization by the state; the images of the Zapatista in the media while anonymous celebrities; the laugher of the Zapatista as their eruption of humor in politics; the silence of the Zapatista as an act of refusing to have to say, with the effect of meanings and political effects that they cause. Based on these analyses, it was possible to reassess the concept of spectrum of the articulate unrealized to the process of historical reproduction/ transformation. / A presente tese tem como escopo contribuir para a discussão teórica acerca da emergência e dos modos de funcionamento de discursividades imbricadas a ideologias dominadas ou antagônicas no continente latino americano. Da perspectiva da Análise de Discurso, iniciada pelo círculo de intelectuais em torno de Michel Pêcheux na França entre as décadas de 1960-1970, empreendeu-se uma análise pontual do discurso do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN), movimento que se alçou em armas em janeiro de 1994 no sudeste mexicano. Entretanto, são os comunicados, as cartas, as declarações, as imagens de rebeldes mascarados, divulgadas pela mídia, que possibilitaram um amplo apoio civil nacional e internacional e evitaram a derrocada da luta zapatista pelas forças de contrainsurgência. O processo de resistência-revolta em curso nos últimos dezesseis anos no estado de Chiapas permite o estudo dos modos de funcionamento de discursividades antagônicas, dissimétricas em relação à ideologia dominante, neste início de século XXI. A descrição e a interpretação se focaram em quatro tópicos que caracterizam a heterodoxia do EZLN frente a outras discursividades da esquerda hegemônica do século passado: a posição-sujeito zapatista em franca recusa da individualização pelo Estado; a imagem midiatizada dos zapatistas enquanto celebridades anônimas; o riso zapatista enquanto irrupção de humor no político; o silenciar zapatista, enquanto prática de recusa em ter de dizer, com os efeitos de sentidos e os efeitos políticos que acarretam. Com base nesta análise foi possível retomar o conceito de espectro do irrealizado articulado ao processo de reprodução/transformação histórico.

A half century long civil war was fought in Colombia during 1964 and 2016, during these years there have been numerous peace negotiations between the state and the leftist guerrilla FARC-EP. The two enemies had big ideological differences but despite this, they managed to strike a peace deal in the end. These negotiations can be connected with the theory of rationality, where each partner will act with a goal for maximum profitable purpose. This study will primarily focus on the FARC-EP ideological alteration and its rational behaviour during negotiations during 2012-2016 and that concluded with the peace deal signed in Cartagena, Colombia. This study will also give a perspective in how FARC-EP has acted post- the peace negotiations on its way with peace and reconciliation in mind. With the ideological aspect and rationality in remembrance this study will analyse the change of method that the FARC-EP went through, from a violent guerrilla towards a political party with its primary goal still in mind, of an equal marxist nation, and the participation in its first democratic election in 2018.

"Les Origines de la France contemporaine" valent à Hippolyte Taine une postérité contrastée, bien différente de celle que sa notoriété intellectuelle acquise sous l'Empire lui aurait apportée. Bouleversé par les évènements des années 1870-1871 et convaincu de la décadence française, il décide d'en rechercher les causes à travers une œuvre historique novatrice tant dans la forme que dans le fond. Si la méthode suivie surprend, la thèse défendue, condamnant la Révolution française sans pour autant défendre la monarchie et l'empire, provoque. Taine déconcerte, satisfait ou mécontente l'ensemble de l'échiquier politique. Insensible aux critiques, il consacre les vingt dernières années de sa vie à l'écriture des Origines qu'il laissera inachevées sans avoir trouvé la thérapeutique à un mal qu'il pensait avoir diagnostiqué. Loin de s'éteindre à sa mort, les polémiques redoublent au gré des soubresauts politiques, favorisant à la fois sa récupération par une droite conservatrice soucieuse de références et sa condamnation définitive par une gauche radicale consciente du danger que son œuvre représente. L'étude des nombreuses publications qui lui sont consacrées de 1875 à 1914 en lui donnant, souvent, des interprétations partisanes, permet de suivre l'évolution d'une fortune controversée. / « Les Origines de la France contemporaine » brings to Hippolyte Taine a contrasted posterity very different from the one that his intellectual fame acquired under the Empire would have brought him. Upset by the events of the years 1870-1871 and convinced of the French decline, he decides to look for the causes through an innovative historic work in terms of both form and content. If the chosen method may surprise, the arguments used condemning the French Revolution without defending the monarchy and the empire, provoke. Taine embarrasses, satisfies or annoys the whole political scene. Insensible to the criticisms, he dedicates the last twenty years of his life to the writing of the « Origines » which he will leave unfinished without having found the solutions to the troubles which he thought he had emphasized, Far from having stopped after his death, the debates worsen according to the political evolution, making possible at the same time his recovery by a conservative right worried about references and his definitive condemnation by a radical left aware of the potential danger of his work. The study of the numerous publications dedicated to him from 1875 to 1914 which often give biased meanings enables to follow the evolution of a controversial fame.

This diplomatic and military history offers a new interpretation of the origins of the three fighting fronts during the final phase of the Cold War in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan. Vaguely remembered today as proxy wars on the periphery, in fact, these were protracted revolutionary civil wars and regional contests for the balance of power in which millions died, while at the same time they were central to global superpower confrontation. Analysis focuses on the strategy and policy of the United States. The chronology from 1975 to 1982 covers the Ford administration's covert action intervention in the Angolan Civil War, which came to grief at the hands of Cuban troops; Jimmy Carter's effort to conduct foreign policy based on principles, which ran foul of power considerations in Angola, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Afghanistan; and Ronald Reagan's embrace of these wars early in his first term as part of the revival of U.S. strength in its competition with the Soviet Union. The principal argument is that, while generally undervalued as controversial small wars of dubious significance, these wars were in fact integral to U.S. experience of limited war during the Cold War following victory in World War II. In strategic terms, the main conclusion is that the U.S. restricted itself to conducting economy of force contingency operations in Angola, Central America, and Afghanistan as a result of its costly struggles in Korea and Vietnam. Despite declaring these peripheral wars to be central to the Cold War, avoiding the costs of involving U.S forces directly in Third World conflicts and minimizing the risks of escalation with the Soviet Union were overriding political and military imperatives.

No description available.

En Tunisie, le développement a toujours été une affaire de l’Etat. A travers ses organismes déconcentrés, il veille à l’application de ses programmes aux différentes échelles infranationales. Depuis l’indépendance, ces programmes pour la plupart héritiers des stratégies et politiques nordistes se sont soldés par un échec, en particulier dans les zones difficiles à fortes contraintes naturelles et socio-économiques. La marginalisation longue et profonde couplée à l’incapacité des pouvoirs publics à résoudre les problèmes dans ces zones ont conduit à une révolte populaire dans les zones défavorisées, où les marges de manœuvre et les possibilités de prise de décision par les acteurs locaux sont les plus rétrécies. La révolution reflète la saturation des politiques publiques et la nécessité de laisser libre cours au dynamisme des territoires et des collectivités locales pour penser leur propre développement. Certaines dynamiques territoriales ont, d’ailleurs, réussi à faire leur preuve à travers des mécanismes consensuels de valorisation et de construction des ressources et des richesses. Ainsi, Cette thèse analyse l’émergence des expériences de développement territorial en Tunisie et questionne leurs éléments de force et de faiblesse. Elle permet aussi de réfléchir sur le statut d’aujourd’hui et de demain des territoires et sur le rôle qu’ils devraient jouer dans la réinvention de la pratique du développement. Ce travail propose à cet égard, d’aborder la révolution comme un moment historique et le processus de transition démocratique tel une opportunité à saisir par les territoires pour mettre au service de leurs populations la richesse de leur capital humain et de leurs patrimoines et ressources. L’analyse de terrain, des pratiques des acteurs et des apports de la révolution nous permet d’examiner tous ces aspects. / In Tunisia, the development was always a State affair. Through his devolved public bodies, he watches the application of his programs in the various infranationals scales. Since the independence, these programs for the greater part heirs of the strategies and northern policies, failed, in particular in the difficult areas with strong natural and socioeconomic constraints. The long and deep marginalization coupled with the incapacity of public authorities to solve the problems in these areas led to a popular revolt in the disadvantaged zones where the margins of operation and the possibilities of decision-making by the local actors were the most limited. The revolution expresses the saturation of public policies and the necessity of giving free rein to the dynamism of territories and local authorities to think of their own development. Especially that number of territorial dynamics prove their benefit by consensual mechanisms of valuation and construction of the resources and wealth. So, This thesis analyzes the emergence of the experiences of territorial development in Tunisia and questions their elements of strength and weakness. She also allows to reflect about the today and tomorrow’s status of territories and on the role which they should play in the reinvention of the development practice. This work proposes in this regard, to approach the revolution as a historic moment and the democratic transition process like a opportunity to be seized by territories to put in the service of their populations the wealth of their human resources and their heritages and resources. The analysis of terrain, practices of the actors and the contributions of the revolution allows us to examine all these aspects.

La présente Dissertation de Maîtrise, intitulé LIBERTÉS ET ORGANISATION DES POUVOIRS À BENJAMIN CONSTANT: L'ÉTAT ET LES LIMITES DU POUVOIR POLITIQUE, explique objectivement la conception de Constant sur la liberté, à la recherche des éléments qui pourraient faire valoir ce que serait la forme de l'Etat idéal pour la réalisation des libertés individuelles. En commençant par une bref contextualisation historique de la Révolution Française (1789), Constant expose ses commentaires et ses critiques aux dirigeants révolutionnaires. Au début, il a défendu la Révolution qui a renversé la monarchie absolue et qui a amené la République. Les dirigeants révolutionnaires, en particulier les Jacobins, inspirés par la philosophie de Rousseau sur la volonté générale et la souveraineté populaire, ont concentré sans restriction, dans leurs mains, le pouvoir politique et ils ont déformé les idéaux républicains. L'imposition des libertés des peuples antiques sur les peuples modernes a engendré une régression historique, contraire à l'ensemble du processus de la perfectibilité humaine défendue par Benjamin Constant. Le despotisme révolutionnaire a été critiqué par Constant dans ses écrits politiques. Dans l’antiquité, l'accent était mis sur la liberté politique (positive), c’est-à-dire, les individus agissaient directement sur les questions inhérentes à l'État. Dans la modernité, au contraire, la liberté (négative) a passé à acquérir une dimension individuelle, où la politique est exercée par la représentativité. Pour Constant, l'État idéal (État Libérale) serait celui qui présentât le moins d'interférence possible sur ses individus. Dans cet État, selon lui, les garanties individuelles comme la jouissance de la propriété privée (important pour la citoyenneté), la liberté économique, la liberté de la presse, entre autres, doivent être toujours respectés. Ainsi, les individus pourraient continuer le processus de la perfectibilité humaine dans le chemin linéaire de l'histoire, en train de vivre la liberté (milieu) dans la perspective de l'égalité (fin). Bien que Constant a défendu premièrement la République, il a préparé un projet de constitution qui lui a permis de concevoir la Monarchie Constitutionnelle comme un modèle de l'État, comme les Anglais, en divisant les pouvoirs et en établissant entre eux une Puissance Neutre. Ce pouvoir, qui a inspiré le Pouvoir Modérateur (Préservateur) dans la scène politique impériale brésilienne, serait au-dessus des autres, permettant l'équilibre nécessaire, de sorte qu'il n'y eût pas de concentration de pouvoir sur un des Pouvoirs, dans un État monarchique ou républicain. / A presente Dissertação de Mestrado, intitulada LIBERDADES E ORGANIZAÇÃO DOS PODERES EM BENJAMIN CONSTANT: O ESTADO E OS LIMITES DO PODER POLÍTICO, objetiva explanar a concepção constantiana sobre liberdade, buscando elementos que possam argumentar qual seria a forma de Estado ideal para a efetivação das liberdades individuais. Partindo de uma breve contextualização histórica da Revolução Francesa (1789), Constant expôs suas observações e críticas aos líderes revolucionários. Inicialmente ele defendeu a Revolução que derrubou a monarquia absolutista e trouxe a República. Os líderes revolucionários, em especial os jacobinos, inspirados na filosofia rousseauniana sobre a vontade geral e a soberania popular, concentraram de maneira ilimitada em suas mãos o poder político e deturparam os ideais republicanos. A imposição das liberdades dos povos antigos sobre os modernos gerou um retrocesso histórico contrário a todo um processo de perfectibilidade humana defendida por Benjamin Constant. O despotismo revolucionário foi criticado por Constant em seus escritos políticos. Na antiguidade a ênfase recaía sobre a liberdade política (positiva), ou seja, os indivíduos atuavam diretamente sobre as questões inerentes ao Estado. Na modernidade, ao contrário, a liberdade (negativa) passou a adquirir uma dimensão individual, sendo a política exercida por meio da representatividade. Para Constant, o Estado ideal (Estado Liberal) seria aquele que apresentasse a menor interferência possível sobre seus indivíduos. Neste Estado, segundo ele, as garantias individuais como o gozo da propriedade privada (importante para o exercício da cidadania), da liberdade econômica, da liberdade de imprensa entre outras, sempre devem ser respeitadas. Assim, os homens poderiam continuar a se perfectibilizar no caminhar linear da história vivendo a liberdade (meio) em vista da igualdade (fim). Apesar de Constant ter primeiramente defendido a República, ele elaborou um esboço de constituição em que passou a conceber a Monarquia Constitucional como modelo de Estado, a exemplo dos ingleses, dividindo os poderes e estabelecendo entre estes um Poder Neutro. Este Poder, que inspirou o Poder Moderador (Preservador) no cenário político imperial brasileiro, estaria acima dos demais, possibilitando o equilíbrio necessário para que não houvesse concentração de poder em um dos poderes, seja em um Estado monárquico ou republicano. / This Master's Dissertation, entitled FREEDOMS AND ORGANIZATION OF POWERS IN BENJAMIN CONSTANT: THE STATE AND THE LIMITS OF POLITICAL POWER, objectively explains Constant’s conception of freedom, seeking elements that might argue what would be the ideal form of State for the realization of individual liberties. Starting with a brief historical background of the French Revolution (1789), Constant exposed his comments and criticism of the revolutionary leaders. Initially he defended the revolution that overthrew the absolute monarchy and brought the Republic. The revolutionary leaders, especially the Jacobins, inspired by Rousseau's philosophy on the general will and popular sovereignty, concentrated without restriction in their hands the political power and misrepresented the republican ideals. The imposition of the freedoms of ancient peoples on modern generated a historic setback otherwise the whole process of human perfectibility defended by Benjamin Constant. The revolutionary despotism was criticized by Constant in his political writings. In ancient times the emphasis was on political freedom (positive), in other words, directly acted individuals on issues inherent to the State. In modernity, on the contrary, freedom (negative) went on to acquire an individual dimension and the policy is exercised through representation. For Constant, the ideal state (Liberal State) would be the one to present the least possible interference on their subjects. In this state, he said, individual guarantees the enjoyment of private property (important for citizenship), economic freedom, freedom of the press among others, must be followed. Thus, they might continue the process of perfectibility and walk straight in history, living the freedom (middle) in view of equality (end). Although Constant has first defended the Republic, he prepared a draft constitution that went on to design the Constitutional Monarchy as a state model, like the English, dividing the powers and establishing between them a Neutral Power. This power, which inspired the Moderating Power (Preserver) in the Brazilian imperial political scene, would be above the others, allowing the necessary balance so that there was no concentration of power in one of the branches, or in a monarchical or republican State.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2017-01-20T14:07:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Fasano.pdf: 2103145 bytes, checksum: c1ababb664a7db22214d4b59bc65e198 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-20T14:07:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Fasano.pdf: 2103145 bytes, checksum: c1ababb664a7db22214d4b59bc65e198 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-01 / The theme of this research, of qualitative nature, focuses on educational policy, in a special way, on the relevance of the development of an ideology to be unchained of a specific curriculum, geared to public and popular education. The school curriculum of the middleclass school is marked by hegemonic ideology, that tries to hide the class struggle under the aegis of scientific neutrality. Thus, this research puts itself in opposition to the movement called "Escola sem Partido". The question that guides this research refers to the recognition of the existence of the working classes own ideology and tries to understand their aspects and features, as well as the legitimation of such ideology through the counter-hegemonic curriculum to be implemented in public and popular schools. The study assumes that there is a popular ideology built on the everyday experiences of exploitation and oppression of the lower classes, revolts generators. However, when establishing the common sense, that ideology, in itself, is not able to generate a class consciousness. For this reason, it is emphasized the importance of its questioning in the popular and public school curriculum. In this context, the central objective of this research is to contribute to the development of a transformative curriculum. Considering the above, it was tried to conduct a literature review from the theoretical contributions of Antonio Gramsci and Paulo Freire, on the themes popular ideology and school curriculum, using as a basis for this debate the ideas of the French Marxist Alain Badiou. The research counted, too, with a field research in which there have been four semi-open interviews with renowned Brazilian intellectuals: Gaudêncio Frigotto, José Eustáquio Romão, Luiz Antonio Cunha and Claudio de Oliveira Ribeiro. The study made it possible to confirm the hypothesis presented here and infer, therefore, that a public and popular school can not be made possible following the same curriculum and values of middleclass school / O tema desta pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, centra-se na política educacional, de modo especial, sobre a pertinência do desenvolvimento de uma ideologia a ser desencadeadora de um currículo específico, voltado à educação pública e popular. O currículo escolar da escola burguesa é marcado pela ideologia hegemônica, que procura esconder a luta de classes sob a égide da neutralidade científica. Assim, esta pesquisa coloca-se em contraposição ao movimento denominado de “Escola sem Partido”. O problema que norteia a presente investigação refere-se ao reconhecimento da existência de uma ideologia própria das classes populares e busca compreender suas marcas e características, bem como a legimitação de tal ideologia por meio dos currículos contra-hegemônicos a serem implementados nas escolas públicas e populares. O estudo parte do pressuposto de que existe uma ideologia popular construída nas experiências cotidianas de exploração e opressão das classes subalternas, geradoras de revoltas. Contudo, ao se estabelecer no senso comum, essa ideologia, por si só, não é capaz de gerar uma consciência de classe. Por essa razão, ressalta-se a importância de sua problematização no currículo da escola pública e popular. Nesse contexto, o objetivo central desta pesquisa é contribuir com a elaboração de um currículo escolar transformador. Em face do exposto, buscou-se realizar uma revisão bibliográfica a partir das contribuições teóricas de Antonio Gramsci e Paulo Freire, sobre as temáticas ideologia popular e currículo escolar, utilizando como fundamento para esse debate as concepções do marxista francês Alain Badiou. A investigação contou, também, com uma pesquisa de campo, na qual foram realizadas quatro entrevistas semiabertas com renomados intelectuais brasileiros: Gaudêncio Frigotto, José Eustáquio Romão, Luiz Antonio Cunha e Claudio de Oliveira Ribeiro. O estudo possibilitou confirmar a hipótese ora apresentada e inferir, portanto, que uma escola pública e popular não pode ser viabilizada seguindo o mesmo currículo e valores da escola burguesa.